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1 09 676 

Shortly after this book had gone to press, 
Communist China invaded northern India 
and soon thereafter V. K. Krishna Menon 
was dismissed from his post as India's 
Defense Minister amid a chorus of epi- 
thets such as "bungler," "national dis- 
grace** and "crypto-Communist." The fall 
of the man who is Nehru's closest friend 
is merely the latest incident in a lifetime 
filled with controversy and paradox. Is 
Krishna Menon a friend of Communism 
and the implacable enemy of the West? 
Or is he simply an Indian patriot sternly 
resolved not to permit his country to be 
drawn into the Cold W'ar? Is he a demo- 
crat still able to contribute to orderly 
political development in India, or is he 
capable, as some suggest, of leading a 
leftist coup to seize control of the gov- 

Krishna Menon is representative of an 

important twentieth-century phenomenon : 

the western - trained , Marxi st - influenced 

[Continued, on back flap] 

JctcTcet design, by Algat Stenbery 

Emtt Lengyel is the author 
of the following books: 

The Subcontinent of India 
Cattle Car Express 


The Cauldron Boils 

The New Deal in Europe 

Millions of Dictators 

The Danube 

Dakar: Outpost of Two Hemispheres 


Secret Siberia 
America's Role in World Affairs 

Americans from Hungary 

World Without End: The Middle East 

Egypt's Role in World Affairs 

The Changing Middle East 

1000 Years of Hungary 


Origin and Consequences of World War II 

As We See Russia 

Eye Witness 

The World in Revolt 


Krishna Menon 


Copyright 1962 Emil Lengyel 

All rights reserved. No portion of this work 
may be reproduced without permission except 
for brief passages for the purpose of review. 

Published simultaneously in Canada 
by George J. McLeod, Ltd., Toronto. 

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 62-19497 
Manufactured in the United States of America 

To my son 

who has just set out on the exploration 
of the wonders of the world 


Many people have placed their valuable time and knowledge 
at my disposal in the preparation of this book. Special thanks 
are due to Bridget Tunnard, secretary of The India League in 
London for many years; to Mrs. Emily Rouse, landlady of 
Krishna Menon in Camden Town for about a decade; to offi- 
cials of the St. Pancras Metropolitan Borough, and particu- 
larly to D. C. Whitlum, Deputy Town Clerk; to Leonard 
Marcus, Deputy Librarian; also to C. J. Ratchford, leader of 
the Council, St. Pancras Metropolitan Borough; to W. Tim- 
othy Donovan, former leader of the Conservative group of the 

I am deeply indebted to the Hon. Reginald W. Sorensen, 
Member of Parliament for Leyton; to the Hon. Julius Silver- 
man, Member of Parliament for Aston, long linked with The 
India League in London. I am deeply indebted to H. Lyn 
Harris, former principal of St. Christopher's School, Letch- 
worth, Herts., for giving me so much of his time on the occa- 
sion of my unannounced visit. 

My profound thanks to Professor Zoe Tsagos, a resident of 



Bombay, and to Jacob Sonny, of Kerala, both of whom have 
been of much help. Krishna Menon and several of his associates 
were good enough to answer many questions in personal in- 
terviews, as were delegates at the United Nations, Indian offi- 
cials and private individuals in India, New York and London. 
Thanks also to The Hindustan Times, for placing its daily 
issues and overseas weeklies at my disposal. The interpretations 
and conclusions derived from the facts placed at my disposal 
are, naturally, my own. 

Dr. Peter Sammartino, President of Fairleigh Dickinson 
University, Rutherford, New Jersey, placed me under deep 
obligation by enabling me to take a fresh look at India. My 
thanks also to Dean Glair W. Black and Dean Loyd Haberly 
for making it possible for me to engage in such extracurricular 
activities as the writing of this book. My colleagues and 
friends, Professor Anthony P. Alessandrini and Professor 
Kenneth M. MacKenzie helped me greatly with useful sug- 
gestions. My friends of many years, Madeleine and Tibor 
Mikes, helped me by calling my attention to valuable sources 
of information. And Livia, my wife, helped to create the 
serene setting which is so essential in my profession. 


Acknowledgments vii 

i. On The Malabar Coast i 

ii. The Long Shadow of the Past 1 3 

in. In Search of Wisdom 35 

iv. In the Camp of the Foe 45 

v. The Peregrinating Scholar 62 

vi. The Song of India 80 

vii. "Friendship Is a Sheltering Tree" 93 

viii. In the British Labour Party 104 

ix. Facing the Whirlwind 1 1 2 

x. "Thy Spirit, Independence, Let Me Share" 127 

xi. To Dwell Together in Unity 142 

xn. Suez and Hungary 154 

xin. Diplomacy and the Man 163 

xiv. In the Vale of Conflicts Kashmir 175 



xv. China and India 184 

xvi. In the Defense Ministry 190 

xvii. "Goa Constrictor" 201 

xvin. The People's Voice 209 

xix. The Image and the Enigma 2 17 

Index 249 


On the Malabar Coast 

A COMBINED TROPICAL PARADISE and hell is the portion of the 
Malabar Coast where VengaKl Krishnan Krishna Menon was 
born. The coast is a paradise because of the bluest of all seas, 
the Arabian, and the bluest of all southern skies. But it is hell 
for those dwellers in this heavenly abode who have not enough 
to eat. 

Today the region forms part of one of the states of the 
Republic of India Kerala, the southwesternmost state. It 
sprawls along the coast toward Cape Comorin, the southern- 
most point of the subcontinent. The region of Krishna Me- 
non's birthplace is also known as Malayalam, which is the 
name of both an area and a language. Mala means hill, and alam 
means valley, and so the name provides a concise description 
of the region in one euphonious word. However, it is the name 
"Malabar" which is best known to the western world, because 
it was the magnet that attracted the adventurers of the era of 
exploration Indiaward; Columbus, for one. It is the country 
of spice hills, the land of the Malabar almond, the Malabar 
bark, the Malabar catmint and the Malabar leaf. The very 


word mahbar means a Hindu type of cotton handkerchief in 
brilliant hues. 

Nature is as generous on this coast as it is capricious. The 
monsoon clouds inking out the sky may contain too much 
rain, and then there is a flood. Or they may be empty of rain, 
and then there is death. The coast has the type of climate that 
induces the forces of nature to run wild. The fauna and flora 
are overanimated, stirring, swarming, pullulating, sucking one 
another's life, boring into one another, overlapping, sti- 
fling, choking. Foliage acrobats sling their tendrils across the 
branches of the trees, thrusting their greedy sinews toward 
the life-giving skies. The fauna swarm beneath a vast canopy, 
the "green mansion," which is supported by the stately ten- 
ants of the tropical forests sandalwood, ebony and teak. 

"Lagoon-studded, palm-fringed, etched against the back- 
drop of lush mountains," the tourist guide raves, and indeed 
the state is perhaps the most attractive in India. Standing guard 
over the coastline are the Western Ghats the mountains- 
closing in on the sea here, shying away from it there, affording 
the small people a chance to till discontinuous segments of 
the rich alluvial soil. 

The tousled mountaintops hold converse with the black 
clouds, which the peasant prefers to the radiant sky. Wrinkled 
by gullies, by angry gaps and perilous chasms, the mountains, 
arrowing up to eight thousand feet, provide India s best com- 
mercial timber. The sand on the shores yields monazite. 

The observer's delighted eyes encompass the High Range, 
in the north of the Malabar Coast, known locally as the 
Aaanaimalais, or Elephant Hills. Below the High Range are 
the magnets of the explorer-adventurers of another day, the 
Cardamom Hills, soaring up to seven thousand feet. 

The slopes are spiced with the 'fragrance that served as an 


aphrodisiac halfway around the world the spices for the 
possession of which fearless men were willing to face the 
perils of an endless voyage into the darkest caverns of the 
unknown. This was the cause of the gleam in the eyes of 
Columbus when he set sail westward to explore the sea route 
to Cathay, the Indies and the Land of Spice. Those spices are 
still there nutmeg, cinnamon, pepper and cloves coveted for 
seasoning, although no longer needed for the preservation of 
food. The slopes of the Ghats are covered by fields of coffee 
and tea. Rubber trees are stabbed for their precious juice, 
and cinchona trees are scalped for the medicinal gifts of their 
barks. The foothills of the Ghats level off into the tableland, 
crisscrossed by streams which were born as foamy mountain 
creeks, and also by the canals of sluggish backwater, and the 
lagoons. Spreading as far as the eye can see are the beaches 
cradling the fishermen's boats. 

The houses or rather, hovels are of mud, with palm- 
leafed, thatched roofs, huddling close together, but seldom 
forming a pattern. They trail off into the distance, seeking 
links with other hamlets, not forming clusters around com- 
munity centers but congregating around the sanctuaries of 
many creeds. These villages live in the shadow of the author- 
ity of the panchayats, five-men councils of elders, presided 
over by headmen. Only the domineering presence of occa- 
sional towns political, economic and social centers inter- 
rupts the ageless village life. 

Besides the forces of life-giving nature, now munificent, 
now scant, there are also the dangers of nature. It is not so 
much the big animals, fattened by the life- and death-giving 
forces of tropical nature, which present the perils. More dan- 
gerous are the tiny creatures that spike themselves into the 
plants and people, living on flesh and the food of the flesh. 


And whenever their regimented attack prevails, or when the 
fish are diverted from their normal routes by the deep heav- 
ings of the sea, the acrid smoke of the hovels fails to curl sky- 
ward. That is a bad sign, and then people lie down and die. 

Vengalil Krishnan Krishna Menon was born on May 3, 
1897. In those days there were no dependable records of 
births, marriages and deaths in India, and especially not in this 
portion of the South. It was sufficient for neighbors of the 
same caste to know who was born and who got married. As 
to deaths, who could keep track of them when calamity 
struck? The time of Krishna Menon's birth is, therefore, a 
mere approximation. 

The Malabar Coast is different from any other part of 
India. Indeed, every part of India is different from every other 
part. India is a universe, with ways of life, customs and creeds 
as luxuriant as tropical nature. Indians from other parts of 
the country know next to nothing about the Malabar Coast- 
about Kerala and, especially, about its Malayalam region. 

The very components of a person's name are different in 
this southern country. They comprise not just the "first" and 
"second" names, as, for instance, "Jawaharlal Nehru." Indian 
newspapers usually call the subject of this biography Mr. 
Menon. That is incorrect. His name is Krishna Menon. But 
all of this calls for a word of explanation. 

The child received the name of Lord Krishna the Swift, 
one of the most beloved figures in the overcrowded Hindu 
pantheon. Legend holds that the skin of the god Krishna was 
dark, and that is what his name denotes. The range of skin 
colors in India is very wide like everything else and goes 
from the fairest to the darkest. But irrespective of the hue of 
the skin, the Indians' racial traits qualify them as being white. 
Yet Indians are highly color-conscious, although reluctant to 


concede it. They talk ecstatically, for instance, about the 
"golden skin" of the god Indra, who is driven by golden 
horses in his golden car. One of the first questions when a 
child is born is, "How about the skin?" 

The boy's skin color was dark the dominant color in the 
Indian South. Just to prove that darkness and greatness can 
blend, dark-skinned babies are frequently invested with the 
name of the Lord Krishna. It was in one of the most famous 
songs of religious ecstasy that Krishna expressed the substance 
of the Hindu creed in the Bhagavad-Gita ("Song of the 
Blessed One"), which forms a portion of the epic Mahabha- 
rata. The admonition of this beloved god was to adhere to the 
life-sustaining doctrine of the bakhti yoga, loving devotion, 
fused with kama yoga, resolute action. 

Fulfillment is within ourselves, the Lord Krishna pro- 

The dust hides the mirror 
The smoke hides the flame. 
The sight of the outer eye 
Blinds the insight of the soul, 
Behold me, thy true self, 
With the spdrit's eye. 

Such noble sentiments were expected to spring from the 
hearts of boys who were endowed with the sanctified name 
of Krishna. 

The rest of the name of the boy is explained by the cus- 
toms of the Hindu community into which he happened to 
be born. 

He was born into a matriarchal Malayalam society, where 
family succession is determined by a system named Maru- 
makkatayam in which the offspring trace their descent from 
a common ancestress. The subcaste into which Krishna Menon 


was born is known as Nayar (spelled in half a dozen different 
ways, as, for instance, Nair). 

It is a part of the lush complexity of Indian life that the 
exact place of the Nayars in the Hindu hierarchy is a subject 
of dispute. The designations of the castes and the subcastes, 
and their numbers, are also subject to many interpretations. 
Some people say that the Nayars are a subcaste. Others 
maintain that they are a caste. If the former view is sustained, 
then there are more than two thousand castes in India. These, 
in turn, cluster around the four great caste-groups: Brahman 
(also written Brahmin), the priests; Kshattriya, the warriors; 
Vaisya, the people engaged in mercantile and agricultural 
pursuits; and Sudra, the artisan and laboring classes. Once 
the Nayars were a martial race now they are peaceful, 
"except," as someone once remarked, "for Krishna Menon." 
Members of the caste maintain that they belong to the war- 
riors, others say that they belong to the artisans, the lowest 
caste. Below them are the "outcastes," whom the Indians 
today call the children of Godharijans. 

The joint family of the Nayars Krishna Menon's group 
is known as the th r war f wad. It consists of brothers and sisters, 
as well as the latter's descendants along the female line. The 
eldest male member is called karnaivan, "he who does things," 
or the "originator''; he is a kind of major-domo, the manager 
of the joint household. According to the rules of tradition, 
married male members do not live with their spouses, but 
only visit them in the maternal abode. The karnarwan, how- 
ever, is permitted to bring his wife and children into the 
joint family. Provided the other male members are self-sup- 
porting and living apart from the tharivad, they are allowed 
to settle down with their wives. 

In such matriarchal communities it is the women who own 


property at least in theory. However, times are changing 
rapidly on the Malabar Coast, and male aggressiveness is 
forcing the family system into the patriarchal mold. The 
joint households are being split up, and the common property 
is being apportioned among their members. 

The first word in the name of the newborn baby, Vengalil, 
indicated such a matriarchal joint family. The second name 
Krishnan indicated the name of the nominal guardian, nor- 
mally a maternal uncle. Menon was the name of his clan, a 
subdivision of the caste. 

There are countless Menons on the Malabar Coast, mostly 
unrelated to one another. Menons play important roles in 
the Kerala state legislature. They are also members of the 
state government and of the judiciary. 

The father's name was almost entirely different: Komath 
Krishna Kurup. There again the first word designated the 
name of his presumed ancestress, through the joint family in 
the matrilineal tradition. Kurup was the name of the clan 
or of the caste subdivision. 

The mother's name was Lakshmi Kutty Amma. Lakshmi 
is the name of the goddess of beauty and wealth, created by 
the gods when churning a sea of milk so as to produce a 
beverage of immortality. Kutty is a pet name something 
like "darling little girl." "Amma" means literally "mother," 
and may be employed to designate either a married or an un- 
married woman. 

When asked about his caste, Krishna Menon reacts with 
an impatient wave of his hand. "What does it matter?" Yet 
it mattered greatly in his youth, and matters much even 
now. The caste was originally a mutual-aid society, a kind of 
guild, and it made much sense. Its members felt secure within 
its protective walls. Eventually, it became a curse which en- 


tombed Indian society in the unfathomable caverns of in- 
flexible system. When she can shake off the thralldom of 
the caste system, India's real independence will dawn. And 
that may take a long, long time. 

The grip of the caste is especially forceful upon the coun- 
tryside, where members of the same group are held together 
by iron-bound customs. In such a society boy marries girl 
because they belong to the same group, and love is an "also- 
ran." Woe betide the prospective nonconformist who dares 
to buck the elemental force of custom. 

The Land of the Dravidians 

Krishna Menon's native tongue is Malayalam, one of the 
important southern languages spoken on the subcontinent. 
It belongs to the Dravidian family of languages, those spoken 
by the ancient group of people who have inhabited the sub- 
continent since before the time thousands of years ago when 
the Indo-European-speaking peoples pushed across the high- 
est mountains of the world in the North. It was these aggres- 
sive Indo-Europeans who imposed their caste system upon 
the indigenous population the Dravidians among them so 
as to set themselves apart in privileged groups. 

Malayalam itself is a comparatively new offshoot of an- 
other Dravidian tongue, Tamil, which, in turn, has been en- 
riched by a liberal sprinkling of Indo-European languages 
from the North. It is no particular advantage in India to 
spring from a Dravidian stock. The bulk of the people speak 
Indo-European languages, the most important of which is 
Hindi, expected to be the official language of the country in 
years to come. Krishna Menon speaks none of India's north- 
ern tongues. 


Krishna Menon's birthplace on the Malabar Coast can best 
be introduced by looking at his neighbors in his youth, their 
ways of life and creeds. That world in the deep South consists 
of a large number of ethnic types, fascinating to observe, all 
but impossible to know, because each group lives in its air- 
tight compartment. The lushness of the mores of the people 
reflects the luxuriance of nature in the Indian South. 

At the head of the list are the Brahmans, of course. The 
Nambudri Brahmans are the shining stars of the Malabar 
Coast, and not even this supremely caste-conscious region 
has encountered a more exclusive set. When Krishna Menon 
was young, these Brahmans were surrounded by impenetrable 
taboos. Their fear of contamination by the touch, and even 
the look, of the less privileged masses was immense. Thus 
they were called asuryam-pasyanot to be seen even by the 

Only the oldest or the two oldest sons are allowed to 
marry, in this caste, while the others are to live in celibacy. 
The Nambudri Brahmans imposed this restriction upon them- 
selves so as to prevent the fragmentation of the ancestral land. 
Such a fragmentation would have thrust members of these 
thoroughbred families into poverty, which would have been 
inconsistent with their exalted status as Brahmans. 

Another group, called the Ezhavas, produced one of India's 
most enlightened religious leaders, Narayana Guru Swami, 
who proclaimed a monotheistic faith: "One Caste, One Re- 
ligion, One God." Thus do inflexible social institutions create 
their antithesis of nonconformity. 


The People in the Hills 

Young Krishna Menon may never have seen the hill people 
of the surrounding country, except perhaps on market days. 
Even today the nomadic Pandarams are untouched by mod- 
ern life. Living in the jungle, they shun civilization, sustaining 
themselves with their bows and arrows. They live in caves 
and in the hollows of trees, deriving their subsistence from 
the forest fauna and flora. The honey and wax they produce 
are bartered for salt and matches. 

Not much more advanced than the Pandarams are the 
Uralis, who haunt the jungles of the Cardamom Hills. More 
than the others, they may be seen at village markets of the 
coastal plains. Their houses are of bamboo and forest grass. 
They live on the herbs and roots they scratch out of the soil 
with their chopping knives during a part of the year, while 
during the other part they live on rice. There are settled 
farmers among them, too, who raise paddy rice, which they 
barter for city cloth. 

The Ullatans form another hill community in the neighbor- 
hood, and they, too, belong to the bow and arrow set. Their 
method of marrying off their girls is uncommon. The young 
lady sits alone in the palm-leaf hut, while hopeful contenders 
whirl around it, hurling their bamboo poles into its walls. 
The dance over, the girl grips one of the poles, and its owner 
becomes her fiance. 

Another hill tribe, that of the Mudrans, long ago anticipated 
the modern experiment in "companionate marriage." First, 
the approval of the parents is obtained, then the boy and girl 
withdraw into a cave to find out if they will be compatible 
on the marriage couch. They remain there for a few weeks, 


then return to thek village, announcing their will. If the ex- 
periment fails, they have another chance to try. 

The Moplahs and Others 

The Moplahs have played a special role in this congeries 
of exotic groups. It was particularly so in Krishna Menon's 
youth. They are Moslems, worshiping one God, Allah, and 
performing Islam's rites. However, they appear not to have 
penetrated into this region from the North and Northwest 
as did most of the Moslems of India. They claim that their 
ancestors crossed the great sea from Arabia many centuries 
ago. From time to time they turned on their Hindu neighbors 
in uncontrollable outbursts of religious fanaticism. These de- 
votees held that the gates of the heavens would be opened 
to them more readily if they could account for the murder 
of a large number of "infidel dogs." Today some of them 
are clamoring for the establishment of an Indian state of 
thek own, which they want to call Moplahistan Moplah 

This part of India has been open to western influence in 
modern times much longer than other parts of the subcon- 
tinent. The Christians of St. Thomas, also known as Syrian 
Christians, claim to belong to the oldest organized Catholic 
church in the world. They also claim that the founder of 
their rite was one of Christ's twelve apostles, St. Thomas. 
Jesus told Thomas to go to India and preach the Gospel 
there. He refused, and thereupon Christ sold this "Doubting 
Thomas" to an Indian prince, just then on a visit to Jerusalem. 
Thomas was transported to India, and there he had a change 
of heart. Filled with the spirit of his mission, he founded a 
church and baptized the prince, his master. The church is said 


to be the site of the Cathedral of St. Thomas in Madras, today. 
Subsequently Thomas was martyred, and is said to be buried 

The spirit of restraint Indians have imposed upon them- 
selves has affected the Christians of the Malabar and Coroman- 
del Coasts of Southern India. They, too, are faced with all 
kinds of taboos. Marriage among the Syrian Christians, for 
instance, is forbidden within seven generations on the father's 
side, and five generations among the mother's kin. 

The Malabar Coast has also its "Black Jews" and "White 
Jews." Their traditions hold that they have lived in Southern 
India since the sixth century B.C. the date of the destruction 
of the First Temple. Documentary evidence seems to sustain 
the view that the Jews of this coast have had established com- 
munities here for many centuries. A companion of Vasco da 
Gama recorded the fact that the coastal Jews were ruled 
by their own elders. Many members of their congregations 
were master craftsmen in shipbuilding. In recent times their 
numbers have been waning, as they have been moving to 


The Long Shadow of the Past 

About Krishna Menon' s Reticences 

"I HAVE READ IN HISTORY of an incident in my own home 
town" Krishna Menon said at the United Nations in a state- 
ment on October 23, 1959". . . in my own home town, 
where I was born, Calicut, where the emissary of a great 
country landed on that coast in 1498 and visited the ruler 
of that time who showered him with presents and honors. 
The result was that he took away twelve inhabitants of Cali- 
cut to his home country and we never heard of them after- 

Official government publications give his place of birth as 
Calicut, others as "Kozhikode, Malabar." Calicut and Ko- 
zhikode are synonymous. The second name seems to have 
been the original one, simplified by the British into Calicut. 
Yet Krishna Menon was not, in fact, born there. His true 
birthplace, Tellicherry, is some forty miles up the coast. 
This discrepancy between what the reference books say and 
what he has told me himself calls for a word of explanation. 



All the information about Krishna Menon's youth is highly 
tentative. He is secretive about it, and the sporadic informa- 
tion elicited from him is as hesitant as it is sketchy. Why do 
the reference books fail to convey the correct information 
about his place of birth? Because as an assistant asserts 
Tellicherry is unknown to the outside world, while Calicut 
is known. But Kozhikode's name is little known as yet in 
many parts of India, too. The answer to this comment is a 
non-committal shrug. 

The Krishna Menon of today maintains that he has few 
recollections of his past, has no diaries of his youth and that 
these things are insignificant, anyway. He says that what is 
important is what a man does, not where he was born. 

Can one obtain detailed information about his early youth 
on the Malabar Coast? His family in Tellicherry was not 
sufficiently important to have aroused widespread interest. 
Also, traditional Indian society is so structured that people 
are known mainly to members of their in-groups. We have 
seen that the Malabar Coast has a particularly fragmented 
social structure. People not belonging to one's own group 
might as well be a thousand miles away. Besides, how is one 
to find neighbors who were adults when Krishna Menon 
was still a child? The average life expectancy in the India 
of those days was twenty-three years. 

Why the Secrecy? 

An explanation is hazarded, right at the outset, as to the 
motives of Krishna Menon's secretiveness about his back- 
ground. Is it explained by an unhappy childhood? By tyran- 
nical parents? By the troubles of a born rebel in the coils of 
a tradition-bound society? By the belief that the place of 


his physical birth did not coincide with the place of his in- 
tellectual awakening? 

The explanation seems to be that this representative of the 
revolt of the oriental masses against the occidental claim of 
supremacy is a "westerner" both in his hereditary inclinations 
and in his philosophical orientation. Today, he refuses to 
speak his native Malayalam in public. Nor has he ever learned 
any other Indian tongue. The language he speaks, and that 
language alone, is English, which is the language of his 
thoughts. He grew to manhood on the spiritual and intellec- 
tual sustenance of western man. 

At the same time, Krishna Menon exhibits a strange ambiv- 
alence toward his native land. A generation of life and work 
in the West has not been able to loosen the grip of his home 
on his emotions. Although he is a westerner, he is strongly 
critical of many phases of his own loyalties. He is in human 
bondage to two cultures the East and the West. He takes 
his revenge on the West by constantly chastising it, and thus 
punishing himself, too. A westerner in his attachments, he 
feels that because of the grip of the past on him he belongs 
to two worlds, and this is tantamount to saying that he hovers 
on the peripheries of both. 

At the Foot of the Ghats 

Tellicherry has today a population of some 36,000 and it 
had a smaller population when Krishna Menon was young. 
It is a pretty town, undulating on the broad waves of hills 
at the foot of the Western Ghats, as they slope down to the 
sea in gentle ripples. It is situated on die Madras Railway, 
indicating that it has been in touch with the world and that 
cannot be said of much of India. It was not an important 


town in Krishna Menon's youth, and is not particularly im- 
portant today. A trading center of minor importance, a 
small seaport, it was visited by fishermen and some of the 
people from the hills. In his youth the ships were protected 
only by a natural breakwater of rocks, and vessels were able 
to anchor only out at sea, a couple of miles away. Today the 
town has a sea wall and a pier. The port is thus available 
all year round, even during the monsoon season. 

To protect the town from the predatory hosts streaming 
southward toward India's golden coast, an old fort was built 
north of the town many centuries ago. A mud wall encircling 
the community afforded modest protection in the distant 
past. The young boy, Krishna, was thus reminded of the 
ghosts haunting the history of the Malabar Coast, where the 
pungent fragrance of spices was mixed with the odor of 
the blood of fighting men. 

Krishna Menon's father was a lawyer, a small man in a 
small town. His mother was always a shadowy figure. She 
died at the age of thirty-eight, which was not very young 
in this land of early deaths. The fact that his sisters numbered 
four was a tragic fate for them, a tragedy for the family. 
The Indian institution of marriage is built upon dowries, 
and no legislation has been able to remove this bane in recent 
times. How could a middle-class, small-town lawyer find the 
means of marrying off four daughters? And, indeed, two 
of them were never able to find husbands, wasting away un- 
happy spinsters. The other two did get married, and it was 
their husbands who died young. 

This beautiful land is little different from the rest of India, 
in that it has been constantly ravaged by pestilence and 
plague. In the very year of Krishna Menon's birth, a bubonic 
plague epidemic swept the North, where millions of dead 


bodies were collected in death's grim harvest. The greatest 
killer was malaria, merely a nuisance in the West these days, 
but a deadly disease in the East. Then there was the dreadful 
assortment of apocalyptic ailments yellow fever, typhus, 
typhoid fever, tuberculosis and a virulent collection of in- 
testinal diseases. 

One of these intestinal afflictions was bilharziasis, which 
the victims acquired in stagnant waters the canals, lagoons 
and sluggish brooks. Tiny snails broke open the skins of the 
victims, working their way into their intestinal organs and 
virtually hollowing them out until the sufferers became empty 
shells, walking, reeling skeletons wafting off into death in 
a merciful trance. 

Many people were also subject to the specifically Indian 
disease which people called kola azar, the black affliction. It 
was brought about in an anomalous way. The bedbug was 
the causative agent a special type of bug. However, its bite 
was not fatal in itself. What was fatal was the victim's frantic 
rubbing of poison into a self-inflicted wound which caused 
an agonizing death. 

Two sisters of Krishna Menon's died of tuberculosis when 
they were still young. 

Yet the Malabar Coast was still better off than most of 
the rest of the subcontinent. There the monsoon was more 
dependable, especially on the verdant windward slope of 
the Western Ghats. Having more natural resources, the in- 
habitants were able to develop more diversified and imagina- 
tive ways of scratching a livelihood out of the hillside slopes, 
the jungle and the sea. And yet even there, famine struck 
from time to time. The year of Krishna Menon's birth was 
not too bad, and deaths by starvation were not too numerous. 
But the years before, and two years later, were truly tragic. 


Five million people died of starvation at the turn of the cen- 
tury, official figures admit. But, then, there were too many 
deaths in famine years for them to be counted. Many of the 
people died in inaccessible areas, with no roads. The survivors 
were too famished themselves to render a true account of the 
tragedy. In the same years some parts of India produced 
surplus food, but transportation was not always adequate 
to provide the deficiency regions with the surplus of other 
areas. That was one of the reasons why people such as 
Krishna Menon's father, for instance rebelled against the 
British rule. 

Family Life on the Malabar Coast 

How did the family of Krishna Menon live? Inhabitants 
of the region do not consider questions about family life 
within the legitimate range of the interviewer's interest. 

The people of Krishna Menon were pious Hindus, we are 
told, performing their rites, listening to the sanctified words 
of the Hindu classics. Religion in India is not conserved in 
a separate compartment, for holiday use, while the weekdays 
are for business as usual religion for the lips, and business 
for the hands and brains. The Hindu creed suffuses all aspects 
of everyday life. And so it was also in the home of Komath 
Krishna Kurup and Lakshmi Kutty Amma, the parents of 
the boy Krishna. 

Their everyday life was performed within the framework 
of certain rites, impinging upon the individual's social and 
economic concerns. The prescriptive duties were presumed 
to be endowed with eternal validity, guiding the steps of 
every person, keeping him apart, if he was a Nayar, from his 
neighbors of the other communities, the Brahmans, the Mop- 


lahs, the Syrian Christians and the Jews, "Black" and "White." 
The prevailing intellectual climate discouraged critical think- 
ing, except as the neighbors' ways were concerned. In that one 
respect, criticism ran wild. 

Many an evening was spent in literate homes such as 
Krishna Menon's around the kerosene lamp, reading passages 
from the Hindu epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. 
These stories about gods and godlike heroes filled the spiritual 
universe of the Hindus, clasping them together in spite of 
the vast differences in their languages, traditions, castes and 
ways of regional life. 

Tradition-bound families on this coast and in other parts 
of India, too have always been in the habit of making pil- 
grimages to holy cities on the banks of sanctified streams, to 
purge their bodies of the stain of sin. Few people on the 
Malabar Coast could hope to get purified in the waters of 
the holiest of all rivers, the Ganga (Ganges), in the shadow 
of the ramparts of the sacred city of Benares, at the most 
auspicious moments of the year. But they had their own 
sanctified streams. Also, they encountered gurus, teachers, 
from whose inspired lips they heard hallowed incantations 
that soothed them as if the sweetest music. 

Not only the spirit but also the body was nourished in the 
young boy's middle-class Tellicherry home. The most im- 
portant staple was then, as it is now, rice, and also tapioca, 
from the cassava, which the region produces in large quanti- 
ties. This steaming coast turns also to the sea for its food 
the sea in which its beauties are reflected. The people who 
can afford to have more than one meal a day have kanji for 
their breakfast rice boiled in water, a kind of rice soup. 
Other important staples are ghee melted butter and yoghurt, 
chillies and curries; also occasional scraps of meat, except for 


the devout Brahmans, who live mainly on the products of 
the soil. 

Sickness is, in these regions, an inseparable companion. The 
medical system of the region is Ayurvedicayur meaning 
"life," and vedic being a reference to the Hindu Veda classics. 
This is not the part of the world where doctors can expect 
to acquire affluence. Cures consist of traditional household 
remedies, transmitted from generation to generation. 

A Young Boy at Work 

The instruction at the local school was supplemented by 
paternal exhortations. Krishna Menon liked history more than 
any other subject, and his greatest delight was to learn about 
the people who had been the rulers of India. The history of 
the British also fascinated the young boy. Yet his books did 
not tell him enough about the annals of his own native Malaya- 
lam on the Malabar Coast. The rulers of the country were 
the British. Tellicherry was situated in the Madras Presidency 
of British India. Although the British maintained their su- 
premacy all over the vast subcontinent, they did let a large 
number of princes continue to rule in their domains, some 
of which were larger than many European countries, some 
of which were very small. There was one of these native 
principalities, a rather important one, wedged into the Madras 
Presidency: Travancore. 

One thing Krishna Menon liked to do more than anything 
elseto read. He got some books from the school, and also 
from the friends of his family. He scraped pennies together 
and with them bought little tracts, instead of spending his 
money on sweets. 

The books in the schools were provided by the English, 


and did not contain much information about the struggle of 
the English people against their sovereigns for individual 
human rights. But they did mention the Magna Cam, the 
Declaration of Rights, the Reform Acts passed by the English 
Parliament, the Chartist movement and some of the other 
endeavors of the British to free themselves from their greedy 
lords. Krishna would have liked to know more about them. 

Krishna Menon was born into the world of a living legend: 
Her Gracious Majesty, Victoria, Queen of the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland, of the Britannic Territories 
Beyond the Seas, Defender of the Faith, Empress of India. 
Her Diamond Jubilee was celebrated in the year of Krishna's 
birth, 1897 the sixtieth year of her reign. Hundreds of mil- 
lions of her subjects had never known any other sovereign, 
and her empire extended to all parts of the globe. 

It was a happy anniversary celebration. The British Empire 
was the custodian of Pax Britannica and, indeed, the guardian 
of the peace of the world, at the very apex of its power. Brit- 
ish countinghouses were filled with the currencies of many 
lands, her warehouses were gorged with goods from all con- 
tinents, and British vessels flew the proud Union Jack on 
all the seas. India herself was a major center of British might, 
firmly and so people thought irrevocably fitted into the 
realm, the most dazzling jewel in the Queen's diadem. This 
India of Queen Victoria was, indeed, the pivot upon which 
the might of the empire rested. 

The history of India was recalled in connection with the 
jubilee celebration. As Krishna Menon looked around, im- 
mersing himself in the reading of chronicles, his mind was 
attracted to India's past. 


The Road to Calicut 

It was about 1910 that Krishna Menon's family moved from 
TelKcherry to Calicut, and there the young boy found himself 
in the midst of history. 

Today Calicut has a population of some 160,000; then it 
was much smaller, perhaps half its present size. It was the 
headquarters of the Malabar district, which, in turn, was a 
part of the Madras Presidency, an important portion of British 
India, over which the authorities of the United Kingdom 
ruled directly. In Calicut, Krishna was cor fronted with In- 
dia's "British problem," and also with his own problem. 

In all India there was no other place like Calicut. It was 
through Calicut that the West had rushed into India from 
beyond the seas; it had been the landfall of Vasco da Gama, 
and other seafarer-adventurers. Thus it was the window 
through which the East and West had been scrutinizing each 

Longer than any other region of the subcontinent, the 
region around Calicut had been exposed to Europe's direct 
influence. This represented both an advantage and a drawback 
for the people of the town. This Malabar Coast, clustering 
around Calicut and the extended region, known today as 
Kerala has long had the highest literacy rate in India, because 
of this western exposure. It opened up the region to the world, 
made the indigenous population meet Europeans, encouraged 
not a few of them, taking their chances, to leave their over- 
crowded country and go overseas, to Burma and to South 

The area has not only the highest literacy rate, but also the 
highest disaffection rate of young people "angry young 
men," we would call them today. Krishna Menon became 


such an angry young man. Illiteracy breeds stagnation and 
apathy. Literacy, in such an environment, breeds expectation, 
and the nagging sensation of frustration. 

Calicut off ered other reasons for frustration, too. The place 
had long since ceased to be a window on the outside world. 
Trade had shifted from this "pioneer port" to superior loca- 
tions with larger harbors and more highly developed hinter- 
lands. It had moved across the peninsula to Madras, on the 
Coromandel Coast, facing the Bay of Bengal. Above all, trade 
had moved to Bombay, the new gateway of India, and also 
to the mushrooming city of Calcutta, in monsoon-scoured 
Bengal, with its teaming hinterland of the Gangetic Plains. 

Even so, Calicut did retain some trade, and thus continued 
to be in touch with the western world, although the fab- 
ric which publicized its name calico was no longer a basic 
staple. It did remain an entrepot of spices, coconut products, 
lumber and coffee. Today it also has its own produce of per- 
fumes, textiles and soap. 

According to the information he furnished on the "Form of 
Enquiry" of the London School of Economics years later, he 
attended the Municipal Secondary School and Brennen College 
in his hometown of Tellicherry; the Native High School in 
Calicut; and Zamorin College-named for the former native 
potentates of the Malabar Coast. 

The guideline for young Indians' studies had been laid 
down by Lord Cavendish Bentinck, Governor-General of 
India, many years before: "The great object of the British 
government ought to be the promotion of European literature 
and science among the natives of India." 

Krishna Menon was still in Tellicherry when he heard 
Lord Curzon, the top official of the Indian pyramid, proclaim 
in his sonorously majestic way: "To me the message is 


carved in granite, it is hewn out of the rock of doom that 
our work is righteous and that it will endure." 

Some Are Born Great 

In Tellicherry, Krishna Menon had become acquainted 
with the lower subdivisions of British Indiathe pargana, the 
fiscal district; the thana, the police division; and the tahsil, 
the subdistrict. He knew that the tide of the top official in 
his own Malabar district was "Collector," a reminder that 
India was mainly a fiscal asset to the British. He heard also 
about the "home charges," representing the funds to be re- 
mitted from India to Britain for the expenses of the I.C.S. 
(Indian Civil Service), as also for the purchase of those stores 
unobtainable on the peninsula, and for the interest on the 
loans the United Kingdom had incurred. He heard the British 
say that these sums were small contrasted with the benefits 
India received from them. But the boy Krishna Menon fol- 
lowed the local custom of referring to them as "the drain." 

Since Calicut was the headquarters of a district of British 
India, the boy Krishna Menon was introduced there directly 
to the British Raj, or reign. Ruling the vast country was a 
tiny layer of British officials, not more than some thirteen 
hundred on the top level. They appeared to be decent people, 
these British, but they were aloof, so very aloof. The boy 
found a French characterization of the British rule of India 
in one of the many books he perused: "Just, but not friendly." 

The British officials were pink-cheeked and well-fed, in 
the midst of the underfed masses. Was this because they were 
battening on his land, or were the people of the world di- 
vided into two classes: the sated and the hungry? If you were 


born in India the odds were that you were hungry; in Britain, 
you had enough to eat. 

The British he encountered looked solid, as if they had 
been hewn of granite. What gave these people the strength 
to master the Indian universe? What filled them with so much 

He must have heard an increasing number of Indians de- 
clare, "Britain has deprived us of our freedom." Years later 
he said, "I dreamt of the freedom of India even as a boy." 
If he did, he was far ahead of his time, because the British 
appeared to be part of an immovable design on the subcon- 
tinent. It looked as if they had always been there, and were 
to remain there forever. Their rule was supported not only 
by the apathy of the people, but also by the self-interest of 
the more than five hundred local princes whose domains were 
protected by the British. And, too, there were the babus, the 
Indian officials in British service, giving themselves airs, siding 
with the master race. 

Yet there had been stirrings of something akin to national 
sentiment up in the North. There had been in existence for 
several years an organization called the "Indian National Con- 
gress." People usually referred to it as the Congress, and later, 
as the Congress Party. Strangely, it was the creation of an 
Englishman, Allan Octavian Hume, who had suggested that 
the "most cultured and enlightened minds of India" take the 
initiative in forming an organization for self-improvement. 
However, the precocious Krishna Menon knew that the Con- 
gress, as it was then constituted, intended to stay loyal to 
Britain. Had it not been established as a ruse to deflect India's 
genuine aspirations for self-government into innocuous party 
channels? The first president of the Congress, W. C. Bonner- 
jee, had declared a few years before: "It is under the civilized 


rule of the Queen and the people of England that we meet 
here together, hindered by none, freely allowed to speak our 
minds without the least fear. Such a thing is possible under 
British rule and under British rule only." 

A Young Boy's Passion 

Calicut stimulated Krishna Menon's interest in the history 
of India. Now he was mature enough to meditate on the role 
of the subcontinent in its historical setting. He asked not only 
about the record of the past but too about the possibilities of 
the future. Step by step, he acquainted himself with the history 
of his part of India. He learned about the Phoenicians who had 
sailed the waters leading to India thousands of years before. In 
the writings of Pliny the Elder, the Roman scholar, he read 
about an emporium on the Malabar Coast with which the West 
had been in contact, and which may have been Calicut. 

He learned that, according to Christian and Jewish lore, 
the southern Kerala village of Puvar may have been the 
ancient Ophir to which King Solomon dispatched his trading 
ships. The contemporaries of the divine Augustus of Rome 
were said to have been the builders of a shrine at Kodungalur, 
on the Malabar Coast. 

Young Krishna Menon learned that Srivazhum Kode 
"Abode of Prosperity" had been the name of the portion of 
Kerala known today as Travancore. This may have seemed 
to Krishna proof that there had once been prosperity in what 
was a poorly fed country. 

There was a tendency in the young Krishna Menon to 
overstate the greatness of India. This was particularly true 
in regard to his hero, Asoka the Great, of the Maurya dy- 
nasty, King of Magadha more than two centuries before the 


Christian era. How Asoka attracted him this unique monarch 
who had sought fulfillment in conquest and bloodshed, and 
had found it in the healing labors of peace. The more he be- 
came engrossed in the history of the Malabar Coast, the more 
young Krishna Menon felt that the solution was not war. 
How could blood cleanse man of his sins, which were at 
the source of the evil? And why should so many people 
worship the aggressive and the ruthless, and not the con- 
structive spiritual values? He was not aggressive in those days, 
this young Krishna Menon of Calicut. On the contrary, he 
was a very shy boy, deeply thoughtful, critical in an uncriti- 
cal age, looking for answers in an unquestioning environment. 
And he tried to find the answers by reading still more books. 

With increasing interest he read about the Moslem pene- 
tration of India wave after wave, from across the mountains 
in the North, from unknown lands of fathomless deserts, and 
from areas of exotic customs. The attraction of India, the 
Land of the Spices, had been immense. Some of the Moslems 
must even have crossed the seas from Arabia. And all had 
carried with them the creed of Allah. It was around their 
creed that their world revolved, and they were intoxicated 
with it. Religion was the Moslem law and it was also the 
cause of slaughters. As Krishna saw it, the Moslems had 
taken to killing the people of other creeds because the spices 
of the Malabar Coast were costly and Europe's grandees paid 
for them in gold. They had set up their shrines, these Mos- 
lems, and also had constructed their execution grounds for 
those who did not worship God in their way. Their strong 
beliefs had prevailed over those of the more easy-going Hin- 

Thus young Krishna Menon pondered in India two of 
the world's great religions were juxtaposed. The Hindus, 


inhabiting a world crowded with myriad manifestations of 
divinity, rubbed elbows with the Moslems, who entrusted 
themselves to their one God, a jealous ruler. The sanctifica- 
tion of the one was the abomination of the other, and thus 
the seeds of communal strife had been sown. 

The destroyers, however, had destroyed themselves, in 
Krishna Menon's languid South, thrown back by the resur- 
gence of Hindu life, which proclaimed its victory with Vija- 
yanagar, the City of Victory, around which arose a new 
Hindu kingdom that was to resist the erosion of time until 
the sixteenth century. 

"Winds and Waves on the Side of the Ablest" 

Krishna's new home, Calicut, was the scene of a new re- 
incarnation of the southland. There it was that Vasco da 
Gama succeeded where the great Columbus had failed. The 
Portuguese navigator set sail for the East instead of the 
West and reached the land of occidental dreams. He it was 
who pried India's gates open. Christianity now swept into 
the land-but did not progress very far (although it ac- 
counted for the higher literacy rate of the coast, and also 
for poverty and oppression). Whatever religious fanatics 
touched Krishna Menon meditated became stained with 
blood. What was it that the pious people wanted? Cinnamon 
was what they wanted, ginger and cloves. What they said 
they wanted was to save souls. 

The Europeans ran into the ignorant complacency of the 
local ruler, the zamorin, who was blinded by his own greed. 
He needed coral and scarlet for his wives, silver and gold for 
his treasure trove. The Portuguese departed with spices and 


gems, returned for more, and established their position with 
coral and scarlet for the insatiable zamorin. 

They founded the first European factory and it was in 
Calicut. Krishna could now follow the progress of "imperial- 
ism," with which he became so deeply concerned in his adult 
life. This was the starting point of another era. Pope Alex- 
ander VI was besought by Manuel I (called also "Emanuel the 
Fortunate") to issue a papal bull recognizing him as the 
"Lord of Navigation, Conquest and Trade of Ethiopia, Ara- 
bia, Persia and India." Manuel was also to get Brazil into the 

Meanwhile new waves of conquest were cresting the sandy 
beaches, assailing the land of the fragrant spices. It was the 
restless Moslems, with their dynamic creed, who overcame 
apathy in the united forces of Bijapur, Ahmednagar, and 
Golconda, turning the Hindus' vainglorious City of Victory 
into the City of Defeat. Topping their wave of conquest 
were other waves, sweeping the victors into limbo. New 
conquerors came, the Kings of Mysore, and the naiks of 
Madura. Every inch of the shore was bathed in blood. 

The Portuguese adventurers' attention was diverted to 
quicker profits in the fabulous land of gold, Eldorado, beyond 
the Ocean Sea. Dutch navigators tried to continue the work 
begun by the Portuguese, but remained only a brief time. 
Eventually they found their own Eldorado, in the myriad 
islands of the equatorial waters of the Far East. 

Whose Merchants Are Princes 

Now came the turn of Britain's merchants, more persistent 
than the Iberians and the restless Dutch. Again it was spices, 
gems and gold that attracted the "Governor and Company 


of the Merchants of London Trading into the East Indies." 
Boldness helped them to advance to the exalted ranks of Em- 
perors and ICings. 

Southern IndiaKrishna Menon's home made a last at- 
tempt to salvage its integrity. The men of destiny this time 
were Haidar Ali and Tipu Sahib, native potentates who 
became "Great Rulers," maharajahs. In their attempt to pro- 
tect their land they helped to destroy it, practicing a scorched- 
earth policy. Thus the vineyards and sandalwood trees that 
had fringed Calicut were destroyed. Tipu Sahib smote the 
town itself, because it had not rallied to his cause. He forced 
the remnants of the people into captivity and seized the crown 
of Mysore. By the sword he lived and by the sword he died. 
His domains were partitioned, and it was then that the British 
introduced their Pax into the land. 

The main concern of the new conquerors was the welfare 
of the United Kingdom. They were intelligent enough to 
realize that a fertile India would help Britain to prosper. 
Their policy was imperialism, to be sure, but it was infinitely 
less destructive than that of their predecessors. The reluctant 
admiration of Krishna Menon for the British may be traced to 
his readings in the history of Britain's conduct on the Coast. 

They introduced improvements in the course of time, 
moving slowly, never precipitately or in anger. There were 
'exceptions, to be sure, but the young student of Malabar's 
history was able to overlook many of them. Harnessing rivers, 
the British brought water to the thirsty soil. They launched 
even more ambitious projects, as the decades became gener- 
ations and then centuries. They helped conservation to take 
hold on the slopes of the Malabar Ghats. They encouraged 
better methods of farming. They built roads and canals, and 
created a network of railway lines. Their main concern was 


strategy, of course, the retention of thek grip on nodal areas. 
While much of the Indian vastness remained inaccessible, 
they did manage to create a transportation grid. Hospitals 
and schools were also built, although never enough to satisfy 
the gnawing need. 

Not all thek improvements were constructive. The angry 
young men of those days Krishna Menon included felt 
that die British were also responsible for inexcusable short- 
comings. In promoting the interests of thek own industries, 
they had all but destroyed India's native handicrafts. The 
main beneficiary of most of the improvements had been 
British capital. Also, the British had perpetuated certain in- 
equalities by introducing the system of parasitic tax-collec- 
tors, zamndars, who sequestered the land. The poor had 
become poorer and the rich richer in India, just as that 
bewhiskered prophet of doomsday, Karl Marx, had predicted. 
Too, the British had perpetuated the iniquitous rule of certain 
princes, whom they needed for thek game of divide and rule. 

Seldom smiling, young Krishna was torn between two 
emotions. He was resentful against the British for what they 
had done to his land. Yet he could not help admiring them. 
This ambivalent attitude toward the British was to accompany 
him throughout his later career. He was frustrated, withal, 
because he was resentful. Now that he had eaten of the fruit 
of the tree of knowledge, he felt a bitter taste in his mouth. 
He rationalized his own kck of opportunities into the cause 
of India. Greater freedom for his native land would have 
entailed greater opportunities for him. His mind was full of 
rebellious thoughts. He wanted to know what had made 
the English so self-assured. He turned to thek seminal books. 


New Thoughts 

Historical narrative alone did not satisfy him as he matured. 
He wanted also to know about the forces that released and 
inhibited collective action. What were the thoughts behind 
the deeds? Or did the deeds come first, followed by ration- 
alizations? No, he decided, in the beginning was the Thought. 
He loved to play with thoughts, and also with words, rich, 
multicolored words. He also wanted to probe into the mys- 
teries of reason. Above all, he wanted to find the inner springs 
of the British people's struggle for self-expression in their own 
environment. He wanted to become better acquainted with 
their parliamentary system. What was the soil like out of 
which it had grown? 

He displayed great gifts in finding the sources of the birth- 
pangs of thought. One of his great discoveries was John 
Locke. Here was the Englishman who had wrested the fate 
of man from the grip of superhuman powers, placing it firmly 
in his own hands. Here was the man who had revealed to the 
world that the fate of human creatures was not written in 
the starspredetermined by extraterrestrial forces but was 
shaped by their own efforts. Man was the molder of his own 
destiny. Was this the explanation of the awe-inspiring self- 
assurance of the English? Was this the moving force behind 
the success of the West, which had enslaved the fate-wor- 
shipers outside the purview of European civilization? 

Krishna Menon's next discovery was John Stuart Mill, 
who became one of his favorite authors. He read and reread 
Mill's immortal essay "On Liberty," which (buttressed by 
Locke) greatly helped him to support his germinating idea 
about the deep motivating force of man's search for self- 
expression being the most effective way of releasing his po- 


tentialities. From Mill, Krishna Menon learned the memorable 
words, "The only purpose for which power can be right- 
fully exercized over any member of the civilized community, 
against his will, is to prevent harm to others.'* 

And further: "If all mankind, minus one, were of one 
opinion and only one person were of the contrary opinion, 
mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one 
person than he, if he had the power, would be justified in 
silencing mankind." 

Krishna Menon turned to Karl Marx, too, and Friedrich 
Engels, as well as to other Socialist writers, finding what he 
thought revealing insights, ones applicable to conditions in 
India. He and his people, as he saw it, were the victims of 
imperialism, in spite of all the improvements the British had 
introduced. Was imperialism the corollary of capitalism in 
its old age? 

He began to compare what he had learned from the great 
British writers with the values of his own land, embodied 
in its classical literature and the teaching of its sages. And 
he was to reach some radical conclusions but that was to be 
much later. 

The King h Dead, Long Live the King 

Krishna Menon was still very young when Edward VII, 
King of Great Britain and Emperor of India, told his subjects 
on die subcontinent: "Important classes among you, repre- 
senting ideas that have been encouraged by the British rule, 
claim equality of citizenship and a greater share in legislation 
and government. The political satisfaction of such claims will 
strengthen, not impair, existing authority and power." 

The Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909, so named after the 


secretary of state for India and the viceroy, followed this 
statement, introducing a measure of suffrage into the Indian 
legislative councils. To be sure, only a few thousand people 
out of hundreds of millions acquired the right to vote, and 
the councils' prerogative was limited to giving advice, but 
it was a beginning, albeit a modest one. For the first time, the 
basic principle was recognized, paving the way for further 
reforms. Young Krishna Menon could not foresee at the 
time that the Morley-Minto Reforms signaled the beginning 
of his own political career. 

King Edward died, and George V ascended the throne, 
when Krishna Menon was thirteen. Le Roi est mort, vive le 
Roi. The British government contemplated a double corona- 
tion, one in Westminster Abbey, the other in India. However, 
misgivings were expressed on this score. India was now stir- 
ring, and what if a fanatical nationalist were to make an at- 
tempt on the monarch's life? The ruler himself swept aside 
these fears and proceeded to India, accompanied by Queen 

All the pomp and panoply of Britain at the zenith of her 
might were displayed at the coronation Durbar, in December, 
1911. Great empires had risen and fallen, but it seemed that 
the British realm was to endure forever. Krishna Menon, an 
adolescent in Calicut, followed these events with interest. 
He could not dream that he would one day become an im- 
portant member of the government of an independent India. 


In Search of Wisdom 

Learning in the Freshness of Youth 

WHAT WAS HE TO BECOME, a teacher or a lawyer? He had 
turned his back on the maternal house; too much Hindu piety 
there, and a deeply depressed atmosphere. His eldest sister 
had become a fighter against sex discrimination, prevalent 
even in that matriarchal society. Also, there were the two 
sad-eyed, unmarried sisters. He was turning left and right, 
engaged in odd jobs. Then he turned in a new direction, 
toward a new philosophy and new gods. This was to be 
Krishna Menon's new reincarnation. 

Ex Occidente Lux was his motto as it was that of many 
other frustrated young sons of Mother India. The West was 
strong, imperious and, above all, well-fed. In the West the 
average life expectancy was not twenty-three years. There 
were no places in the West like Madras a great metropolitan 
center where the death rate was higher than the birth rate, 
so enormously high was the infant mortality. 

But was the West really so successful? What of the sham- 



bles it had caused in that Great War which another genera- 
tion was to know as World War I? And what of the misery 
it had caused with its colonial system? Already voices had 
been heard in the West saying that the occidental culture 
had run its course. Long ago Arthur Schopenhauer, the mel- 
ancholy German philosopher and expounder of pessimism, 
had turned his attention to the East. He had dwelt upon ir- 
rationality, the unspeakable misery of life, and the seemingly 
aimless striving that manifested itself in the world process: 
"We must perceive that all willing is vain and pleasure un- 
attainable, also that since individual existence is untrue, all 
individuals are identical in essence, that all are manifestations 
of the one world will." 

The answer was oriental asceticism, and the knowledge 
of nirvana, the type of nothingness that finds its loftiest place 
and truest reality in the soul: Ex Oriente Lux. Schopenhauer 
had written on the fourfold roots of the principle of sufficient 
reason. Years later, Krishna Menon was to write his master's 
thesis on "An Experimental Study of the Mental Processes 
Involved in Reasoning." After man's will was unfolded, rea- 
son became a useful aid. 

It was with such thoughts in mind that Krishna Menon 
joined the Theosophical Society, and his fate was linked to 
it for five years. The Great War was now over, and a new 
era seemed to beckon. 

Enter Mme. Blavatsky 

An American lady of Russian birth, Mme. Helena Petrovna 
Blavatsky, together with Henry S. Olcott, of Orange, New 
Jersey, a former United States government official, founded 
the Theosophical Society in 1875. Theosophy, which was to 


gain world-wide notice, called attention to the "wisdom of 
the East," to esoteric Buddhism, and to the Hindu scriptures. 
Olcott gave this description of the theosophical creed: "A 
theosophist is a person who, whatever his race, creed or 
condition, aspires to reach wisdom and beatitude by self- 

Other expounders of the creed held that the theosophist 
had to subscribe to three main objectives: the promotion of 
the study of Aryan (Hindu) literature; the investigation of 
hitherto unexplained laws of nature and of the physical 
powers latent in man; and above all, the creation of universal 
brotherhood, without distinction of race or creed. The first 
of these objectives was subsequently modified to commit 
members to the study of comparative religion. 

Mme. Blavatsky herself employed a more mystical language 
in her writings. In one of her publications, The Secret Doc- 
trine, she named the following principles as the bases of 
theosophy: an omnipresent, eternal, boundless and immutable 
force, transcending the power of human conception, and out 
of range and reach of commonplace thought; the eternity of 
the universe in toto as a boundless plane; and the fundamental 
identity of all souls with the Universal Over-Soul, "the latter 
being itself an aspect of the 'Unknown Root. . . .' " What 
she meant by the latter, she did not say. 

Theosophist mysteries were often shrouded in cryptic 
language. The believers dwelt on karma (Sanskrit for "ac- 
tion" or "fate"), which they defined as the "unbroken 
sequence of cause and effect, each effect being in turn the 
cause of a subsequent effect." 

This was somewhat different from the Buddhist karma, the 
result of action and, especially the cumulative result of a 


person's deeds in one stage of his existence as controlling 
his fate in the next. 

The theosophists also spoke of reincarnation (a part also 
of the Buddhist and Hindu creeds), and of astral and super- 
astral auras. They quoted the teachings of such sages as 
Pythagoras, and such neo-Pythagoreans as Apollonius of Ty- 
ana, considered a miracle-worker, who is said to have visited 
India. The theosophists exhorted the believers to immerse 
themselves in the Hindu classics, especially the Upanishads 
and the Bhagavad-Gita. 

Many young Indians joined the Society, which seemed to 
sanctify their inchoate aspirations, ascribing deep ethical 
meanings to their sacred writs. It illuminated a way that was 
their own, and on which they traveled amid cheers, not jeers. 
Because they were India's children, they were considered su- 
perior creatures in the society, and not inferiors, as was the un- 
written British rule. 

Because of the close connection of the creed with the wis- 
dom of India, the society moved its headquarters there, first 
to Bombay, then to Adyar, in the southern part of the city 
of Madras, facing the Bay of Bengal. The society had about 
a hundred thousand dedicated disciples when Mme. Blavatsky 
died in the early eighteen-nineties. The anniversary of her 
death is remembered even now as the "White Lotus Day." 

One of Mme. Blavatsky's principal disciples had been 
Annie Besant. 

The Many Lives of Annie Besant 

The First Five Lives of Annie Besant, a massive book of 
scholarly merit by Arthur H. Nethercot, deals only with the 
beginnings of a remarkable life. Annie Besant entered history 


at several points. She also entered Krishna Menon's life, most 
decisively. She put Krishna Menon "into orbit." She also 
influenced awakening India's national guru, Mahatma (Great 
Soul) Gandhi Ghandiji, as he is affectionately called and 
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who was to become "Mr. India" 
and "Panditji." 

"Human tornado" and "human dynamo" were some of 
the terms used to describe Annie Besant. Her marriage to the 
respectable Reverend Frank Besant lasted only a decade. 
Still married to the clergyman, she joined forces with Charles 
Bradlaugh in a whirlwind campaign of "free thought" and 
birth control, at a time when mid- Victorian respecta- 
bility would not stand for such nonconformity. Separated 
from her reverend spouse, an English court rejected this un- 
usual British lady's petition for the custody of her own chil- 
dren on the grounds that an "agnostic" could not be entrusted 
with the guardianship of children's sensitive souls. 

Annie Besant was also the co-author, with Bradlaugh, of 
a monograph on birth control for which the two of them 
were tried on a morals charge, being subsequently acquitted. 
She turned her back on agnosticism after a time, and became 
Mme. Blavatsky's disciple, a believer in the "Supreme Being" 
of the Theosophical Society. 

It was in 1889 that Mrs. Besant joined the society; she 
became its president in 1907, and served in that capacity for 
a quarter of a century. A rich Indian disciple, Damodar K. 
Mavalankar, donated a large estate of 266 acres to the society. 
It may still be found, south of the Adyar River, in the "aris- 
tocratic" part of Madras inhabited by Europeans at the time. 
The estate has a large waterfront on the Bay of Bengal. 

Annie Besant was also the founder of the "Home Rule" 
movement for India. She was honored for this in a unique 


way, being elevated to the post of the presidency of the 
Indian National Congress, in spite of the fact that she was 
a Britisher, not merely a "foreigner" and the Congress op- 
posed British rule. 

Krishna Menon says he was drawn into Mrs. Besant's 
circle because of her Home Rule work. She selected him as 
one of her young assistants. At the time she was seventy-two, 
and he twenty-two. 

Home Rule was not the sole attraction in Adyar. The 
pattern of Krishna Menon's life indicates another reason: his 
ambivalent attitude toward India. Adyar stood for the Indian's 
dignity. The Europeans there headed by Annie Besant saw 
values in the East which the British Raj failed to see. Adyar 
was also Europe in India, and Krishna Menon was tremen- 
dously attracted by the West. What was the reason? Because 
the West could offer more learning to him? Because of an 
innate snobbishness? Because Adyar was Europe in Madras? 
All of these and more. 

Krishna Menon was not the only young Indian to be at- 
tracted to Adyar. Nehru was also one of the disciples, al- 
though not so long as Krishna Menon. 

Krishna Menon's part in Adyar was not limited to Indian 
Home Rule. He worked on Annie Besant's weekly, JVew 
India, for about a year. Also, as a theosophist, he was a 
teacher on the estate, and he was teaching one of his favorite 
subjects, Indian history. He immersed himself in an extensive 
library on many subjects, especially on the occult sciences 
and yoga. He read the countless books of his amazing hostess, 
on such subjects as The Perfectibility of Man; The Ethic of 
Punishment; The Laws of Higher Life; Mavis Life in This 
and Other Worlds; Marriage as It Was, as It Is, and as It 
Should Be; Natural Religion Vs. Revealed Religion; Occult 


Chemistry; A Series of Clairvoyant Observations on Chemical 
Elements; Is Socialism Sound?; and many, many others. 

Mrs. Besant was filled with the greatness of India, its tra- 
ditions, philosophy and art. She made Krishna Menon and 
her other Indian proteges feel proud of their magnificent 
classics the collections, she told them, of some of the most 
exalted thoughts in the world. She admonished them that it 
was not enough to consider these books as parts of their 
creed, but that the classics must also form the sinews of their 
everyday lives. She founded an Oriental Library, containing 
not only collections of Sanskrit and Pali manuscripts but also 
ancient "books" written on palm leaves. 

It was she who founded Adyar College, where Krishna 
Menon taught. She also founded the Central Hindu College, 
at Benares. The seamy side of Indian life was only too well 
known to her. She knew that about 15 per cent of the people 
of the subcontinent belonged to the pariah caste. They must 
be afforded an opportunity, she decided, to regain their hu- 
man self-confidence. She founded five schools for pariah 
children in Madras alone. The Madras vernacular press called 
her Sannyasini Srimati BeshanteThe Holy Female Ascetic 

Differing Views about Adyar 

The five years Krishna Menon spent at Adyar were busy 
years studying, teaching, performing administrative work, 
engaged in the Boy Scout movement. The Theosophical 
Society had world-wide ramifications, enjoyed world-wide 
fame, and was visited by notable people, some of whom ex- 
pressed their views about it in print. These views were con- 

Mahatma Gandhi, the father of Indian independence, held 


the highest opinion of Mrs. Besant's work. "When Mrs. 
Besant came to India," he noted, "and captivated the country, 
I came in close touch with her, and though we had political 
differences, my veneration for her suffered no abatement." 

Although Gandhi himself did not join the movement, he 
retained great respect for it as an emanation of Hinduism at 
its best and as a force working to foster the brotherhood of 
all men. Even later, in the midst of party politics, he was 
impressed by the fact that so many Congress Party members 
especially at the higher echelons were also theosophists. 

Annie Besant had been president of the Theosophical So- 
ciety for some time when the German philosopher Count 
Hermann Keyserling, author of the international inter-bellum 
best-seller The Travel Diary of a Philosopher, visited Adyar. 
The Count was a guest of Mrs. Besant. He was critical of 
what he saw there. 

"Ancient mistakes of humanity," he wrote, "are in all too 
many instances not only not eradicated by theosophical be- 
liefs, but they experience new reincarnations. Today I am 
especially thinking of the time-honored over-valuation of 
diseased conditions. I have been induced to consider them 
in view of the attitude of the many psychologically and 
neurologically abnormal people who belong to the Theosoph- 
ical Society. . . ." 

The first who swarm around a new center of belief are, with- 
out exception, poor in spirit and superstitious, for they want, 
above all, to be led. Then come worthy men from practical lif e, 
generally brought to this pass by women; and only when his- 
tory has faded into mythology (which, of course, can happen 
very rapidly in the East), when facts no longer obstruct the 
process of idealization, then the first eminent minds follow in 
the general wake. And thus it can happen that the members of 


the Theosophical Society of today, if fortune is kind to them, 
will live in history as pioneers. 

The messianic expectation prevailing at Adyar also elicited 
the interest of the philosopher-Count. Mrs. Besant had found 
the "Redeemer," and his name was Jiddu Krishnamurti, whom 
she called the incarnation of Maitreya, the World Teacher, 
the "successor of Jesus Christ." 

It was in the mid-twenties, when Mrs. Besant was about 
eighty, that she introduced the "Lord of Mercy," Krishna- 
murti, as the founder of a religious order. 

Harold Laski, the noted English social scientist, who en- 
tered Krishna Menon's life a few years earlier, wrote in 1926 
to Oliver Wendell Holmes, Associate Justice of the United 
States Supreme Court, about his meeting with Krishnamurti, 
as follows: 

I must not forget to tell you that since I wrote last I have met 
God. I was at a committee for the relief of miners when Mrs. 
Besant turned up with a young man whom she announced as 
the new Redeemer. I have never met a God before and it was 
a little embarrassing to talk to him. I did not like to mention the 
weather, as a comment on continuous rain seemed like an attack 
on his will. So I asked if he remembered any of his previous re- 
incarnations . . . and he told me thirty-three. 

Subsequently, Krishnamurti repudiated the claim that he 
was the Messiah; dissolved the Order of the Star; and his 
father sued Mrs. Besant for damages. In turn, she withdrew 
her assertion that Jiddu was a Redeemer. 

The Road to the West 

The Theosophical Society was operating after World War 
I in some fifty countries, and Krishna Menon had plenty to 


do besides his teaching duties. Also, he became active in the 
Boy Scout movement in Madras. A few years previously 
Lieutenant-General Baron R. S. S. Baden-Powell had launched 
the Boy Scout movement in Britain, and it had been an in- 
stant success. India was in even greater need of it than the 
western countries, Krishna Menon believed. In the summer 
of 1920 the first "International Jamboree" of the movement 
was held in London. It attracted world attention. Krishna 
Menon was engaged in many scouting activities scoutmaster, 
scout commissioner, in charge of training camps. Was this 
one of the ways to reduce the appallingly high death rate 
among the young people of Madras? 

Annie Besant helped Krishna Menon to go to England 
in 1924. He meant to stay six months, but he remained for 
a generation. Thus it was Mrs. Besant who became hand- 
maiden to Krishna Menon's destiny, for it was in London 
that he came to the attention of Jawaharlal Nehru, the man 
who was to become "Mr. India." 

When Annie Besant and India collided, she hurled the 
subcontinent into space. She began her career by being pre- 
occupied with the fate of hundreds of millions, as the head 
of the Home Rule movement. But as the head of the Theo- 
sophical Society, she set out to save all mankind. She has 
been described as a genius and a charlatan. Certainly she 
dramatized the wisdom of India, which she sought to transmit 
to the West. More than any other Britisher of her time, she 
made the world aware of India's plight. On the other hand, 
her adversaries charged, she was one of the greatest headline- 
stealers since the invention of movable type. Did Krishna 
Menon, one wonders, become her disciple in that respect, too? 


In the Camp of the Foe 


HE HAD INTRODUCTIONS to several leading Labour Party mem- 
bers in London, also to some back-benchers, mainly people 
who took an interest in India. They were friendly people, 
who welcomed the eager young Indian. 

"Handsome in a diabolical way," a British periodical was 
to write about him. "When he smiles and it is an irresistible 
smile he conjures up Mephistopheles gloating over a phos- 
phorescent crystal ball. . . . His eyes have a fanatical 
gleam. . . . His eyebrows, his aquiline nose, and his hands are 
almost as voluble as his lips. . . ." 

"His profile," it was noted elsewhere, "is a sculptor's dream, 
his restlessness his despair. . . . Hampered by a disability [he 
limps] he becomes hunched and round-shouldered when he 
walks. When his foot is not troubling him, he moves with 
quick, short steps, his walking stick dangling from his arm." 

His expressive face still reflects his moods, suddenly chang- 
ing: sunshine and storm, a scowl, a sneer and, then, unexpect- 



edly, a benign beam. A soft handshake, almost feminine, and 
quick reactions, intuitive. Volubility and extreme reticence, 
a strange combination. Yes, indeed, he is an uncommon mix- 
ture, an extrovert and an introvert. An actor, too. But in 
those days, in London, his audience was small. 

He arrived in London, in 1924, a young man of twenty- 
seven. He had heard much about the country from his guru, 
Annie Besantalso from Shakespeare, and Burke, and Mill 
and his curiosity to see the land which was both the birth- 
place of democracy and the oppressor of India was great. 

He had got used to the tall, swaggering stalwarts in Calicut 
and Madras, the I.C.S. people, the supermen of the Indian 
Civil Service, self-assured, some of them arrogant, others 
helpful in a condescending way. There was always a wall in 
Iiidia between the ruler and the ruled, the men carrying the 
white man's burden and the lesser breeds. But here in London 
there was no wall. 

He had turned his back on the maternal house (his mother 
was dead, anyway). Also, he seems to have lost contact with 
his relatives. And so he stayed in London. Why? Secretive 
now, as he must have been then, he furnishes no acceptable 
clue. His friends say that he spoke so openly against the 
British regime in India as to close the gates of his native land 
in his face. That is nonsense, of course. He was as yet a 
human cipher, and what difference did it make what he said? 
The things he said, he said to Englishmen in the capital of 
the British Empire, and London was a privileged sanctuary 
for such plaints. And what if he was to be consigned to 
jail after his return to India? Nearly all the heroes of India's 
war of independence spent long stretches of time in prison. 
Serving jail sentences later turned out to be almost a qualifi- 
cation for high government service. 


Thus began his new reincarnation in London. The web of 
his life there had many strands, interlinked and looped, with 
occasional broken threads. It looks disorganized, and falls 
into a pattern only on close observation. It was not a Bo- 
hemian life, in the freedom of a new world without too many 
taboos, since Krishna Menon was an ascetic. Strong drinks 
were not for him, nor, for that matter, any drinks, except end- 
less cups of tea, sometimes thirty a day, plus milk and his 
favorite tomato juice. Very little food, because he had very 
little money and also because he found he could live on next 
to nothing. He was a strict vegetarian, and has continued to 
be. Nor does he smoke. 

As to women, here again the curtain is drawn. He was the 
type of young man who might attract young women of the 
intellectual type, in search of the exciting "mysteries" of the 
Orient, attracted by exotic charm, that warm smile lighting 
up his face, his volubility, his complicated inner structure 
(or was it really that complicated? ) the extroverted introvert, 
aggressive and shy. Was there a young woman in his life? 

There are rumors about an English girl whom he en- 
countered in the mid-thirties. What happened then? There is 
that impenetrable curtain again. He has remained a bachelor. 

The Indian Faust 

There is something Faustian about his early years in Lon- 
don, his appetite constantly sharpened by the appetizers of 
knowledge-political science, philosophy, psychology, some 
economics and, above all, history, and, of course, law. Krishna 
Menon continued to respect that remarkable aged woman 
at Adyar, Annie Besant, still very young in spirit and full of 
adventure. But he had had enough of the presumed mysteries 


of the Orient, and did not want much more of theosophy. 
He wanted to be introduced to the clarities of western life. 
What made the West tick? Why did people live so much 
longer there? Why did they have the capacity to smile and 
laugh? He was now at the very f ountainhead of knowledge. 

To learn, yes, but also to teach, to disseminate knowledge 
about India. He was attempting to do that all the time, but 
it was only his sideline at the beginning of his London life. 

He wanted to engage in his studies in the western way, 
the organized way; to study not only for learning's sake, but 
also for its practical use. But did he actually know what he 
wanted? Should it be the law? The idea attracted him. He 
visualized himself in the forensic setting, analyzing complex 
cases, drawing upon the spontaneous brilliance of his insights, 
his eloquence sweeping the jury off its feet. Yes, the study of 
law did appeal to him. "Law," he still says, "is the application 
of common sense to litigious cases." He was quite sure he had 
common sense, and the gift for dissecting problems and pre- 
senting his findings to others. Yes, law was very much in 
Krishna Menon's mind. Eventually, he qualified as a barrister. 

And so was teaching, almost for the same reasons. He was 
thinking of history as his specialty the history of men's 
thoughts as well as of their actions. He liked to compare the 
real with the potential, the peoples' pressures, the leaders' 
motives, the great emotional upsurges of the masses, the in- 
terplay of contradictory forces, the innate drive of people 
to oppress others and the opposite drive to free themselves. 
He believed in the Hegelian dialectic: the operation of histori- 
cal forces, beginning with a series of statements, a series of facts, 
swinging to antistatements, a cluster of opposite facts, coming 
to rest at a new balance of synthesis. Out of this Hegelian 
dialectic was born his absorption in Marxist dialectical materi- 


alism: the importance of the interplay of economic forces- 
bread, loot, capital accumulationand the class struggle. Yes, 
he would have liked to engage in the teaching of history. 
He also obtained a teacher's diploma. 

Politics appealed to him, too, but that road was crowded 
with priority-minded people, natives of the land who had 
English for their native tongue. First, he must get acclimated 
in London and, above all else, immerse himself in his studies. 
In London there were no forbidden books, and he entered 
the public libraries with awe. He wanted to remain a student 
all his life, even as a teacher. 

The Year of Miracles 

"The war to end all wars," America's President Woodrow 
Wilson had called World War I. It had been a traumatic 
experience for Britain, presumably shielded from rude out- 
side contacts by its moat. In the charnel house of the battle- 
fields of France, the best of Britain's sons had been ground 
into the mud. 

During the war Krishna Menon had been a student at the 
Law College, Madras, where he had gained his B.A. degree. 
When asked about his war service some years later at the Lon- 
don School of Economics, he answered: "India Defence Force, 
1917." What, if anything, this meant is unclear. Probably it 
was merely a fanciful bit of self-dramatization. 

The United States now occupied Britain's former place 
as the main creditor nation, and the government in Washing- 
ton insisted that London repay the funds it had obtained for 
the conduct of the war to "make the world safe for democ- 
racy." Meanwhile, vast funds had been transferred from 
London's Lombard Street to New York's Wall Street. Amer- 


ica was now the center of the capitalist world, and, indeed, 
the United States was the incarnation of capitalism. 

The Socialist friends of Krishna Menon in London de- 
tested the United States. At home the young Indian had paid 
scant attention to America, a country shrouded in the clouds 
of distance. Now, however, he heard much about the overseas 
republic. And most of what he heard about it was highly 
critical. Was this the beginning of his attitude toward the 
United States? 

Nineteen twenty-four, when Krishna Menon arrived in 
London, was the annus mirabilis, the wonderful year. It was 
the year in which the lion and the lamb were lying down 
together, living in fond amity, the expected Year One of 
perpetual peace. Britain had now a government that was 
headed by a former Scottish miner, an illegitimate son- 
Ramsay MacDonald. This time Labour got a larger number 
of seats in the House of Commons than the Liberal Party. It 
received the support of the Liberals against the Conservatives, 
who now moved across the Commons aisle to the side of 
His Majesty's Most Loyal Opposition. Peace, indeed, was 
to dawn on the world. It was this same Labour Party which 
a few years later was to vow at one of its annual conferences 
never to take a part in any future war and, if necessary, to 
declare a general strike to prevent Britain from entering such 
a war. 

Still more miraculously, the two presumed hereditary foes, 
Germany and France, were now in each other's embrace. 
Dreams were to come true in a few months more, when the 
two nations' spokesmen negotiated a basic pact about their 
borders, which were to endure forever, thereby insuring 
eternal peace. 


The Labour Tarty and Krishna Menon 

Many Conservatives considered Labour 'left wing." Not 
all of it was, and, indeed, it has never been a monolithic 
organization. It had its right and left wings, as well as its 
center. The right wing approached the ideal of the Christian 
Socialists, with their program of aid to the lower classes so 
as to improve their standards, abolition of the great inequal- 
ities of wealth through steeply progressive taxation, and cre- 
ation of the conditions for a peaceful world. 

The left wing agreed with all this, but it went far beyond. 
One of its spokesmen, John Strachey, held that the great ad- 
vantage of socialism over all other political systems was its 
ability to think and act in social terms, rather than in the 
interest of privileged individuals and classes. Socialism meant 
to them the type of economy in which the entire country, 
acting through its government, was engaged in a measure of 
planning for the public benefit. These Socialists asserted that 
capitalism, too, was engaged in planning, for private profit 
through monopolistic schemes. This wing of the Labour 
Party favored the public ownership of the key industries 
engaged in the production of those goods which the entire 
economy needed. It also favored a much broader extension 
of social services, especially in the field of public health. 
Also, the left-wing Socialists of Britain were cordial to the 
idea of friendly relations with Soviet Russia. These Labour 
members held that the time had come for Britain to confer 
more extensive civil rights on the people of India. 

Krishna Menon felt closest to the Labour "Young Turks," 
the rebellious spirits of the left wing. But he became ac- 
quainted also with the stolid and solid bureaucratic Labour 
grandees, as for instance Clement Atdee (who was to be- 


come the Prime Minister of Britain) and Ernest Bevin (the 
future Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs) in a way that 
was to thoroughly transform the life of India and of Krishna 

Enter Professor Laski 

No Englishman or scholar ever made a greater impression 
on Krishna Menon than did Harold J. Laski. "He was one 
of the greatest men of the twentieth century," Krishna Menon 
told me, and he is not a man to hand out bouquets. Laski, 
already one of the most controversial political scientists of 
the English-speaking world, had lectured at Amherst, Har- 
vard and Yale, and at that time was lecturer in political science 
at Magdalene College, Cambridge, and a member of the fac- 
ility of the London School of Economics and Political Sci- 
ence. In great demand in many parts of the world, Laski 
also lectured at Trinity College, Dublin, and at the Institute 
of Soviet Law, in Moscow. At the time of Krishna Menon's 
arrival in London, Laski was a member of the executive com- 
mittee of the Fabian Society, the home of intellectual Social- 
ists. Later, he also became a member of the Labour Party 
executive committee, and held numerous posts in the govern- 
ment. His name had been established by his authorship of 
such seminal books as Political Thought in England from 
Locke to Bentham (which was in the field of Krishna Me- 
non's special interest) and Karl Marx. Later, he was to write 
basic books about the United States: The American Presi- 
dency and The American Democracy. Although the differ- 
ence in their ages was not great, Laski was to become the 
young Krishna Menon's guru. 

Years later, in 1954, Krishna Menon was instrumental in 
the establishment of a "Harold Laski Institute of Political Sci- 


ence" in Ahmedabad. In his message to the inauguration of 
the Institute, he recalled that he had been Laski's pupil for 
ten years, most of it not in classrooms and seminars, but in 
discussions and conversations. Then he added: "Professor 
Laski's life has been the moral foundation on which many 
of those who really knew him and loved him have set out 
to build the essential structure of their thinking and social 

Outstanding in the group of Labour scholars with whom 
Krishna Menon became acquainted was Sidney Webb. Webb 
and his wife Beatrice formed a remarkable writing team. 
Another Labour party leader with whom Krishna Menon 
became acquainted early in his career was Sir Stafford Cripps, 
who was to play a great role in the history of India. The son 
of Lord Parmoor and the nephew of Beatrice Webb, Sir 
Stafford was a man of great intellect and unusual achieve- 
ments, a chemist as well as a highly successful corporation 
lawyer. He was an extreme left-winger, who, at one time, 
was read out of the Labour Party because of his deep com- 
mitment to a united front with the Communists. He was not 
only reinvited subsequently, but was also called upon to play 
historic roles in Britain's World War II cabinet. Krishna 
Menon was particularly close to him. 

And then there was the well-known Socialist editor and 
writer H. N. Brailsford, as explosive in his likes as in his 
dislikes, and deeply involved in attempted solutions to India's 
problems. Also, Bertrand Russell (later Earl Russell), far- 
famed mathematician, philosopher, Nobel Prize-winner, and 
"aggressive pacifist," was another early contact of Krishna 
Menon's, a contact which continued through the years. And 
there were many more Labour Party leaders and members 
of Parliament, some of whom were to play important parts 


in The India League, which later became Krishna Menon's 
corporate embodiment. 

The Age of Gandhiji 

In the course of time, Krishna Menon came to be in great 
demand in Labour parliamentary circles because of his zest 
in presenting India's cause. He became also the mouthpiece 
of the Congress Party, and especially of the ideals expressed 
by a shrunken little man, Mahatma Gandhi, whom his ad- 
mirers called Gandhiji. 

"The Age of Gandhi" began at the Congress Party's special 
session at Calcutta in 1920, and it lasted until his death (with 
a gap in the twenties when he kept in the background). 
Gandhi was working for India's increased participation in 
her own government, and eventual self-rule, in a new way. 
He did not call on the Indians to rise against the British and 
sweep them out of the land. On the contrary, he advocated 
peace. Force, he said, begat force and solved no problems. 
If an attempt was made to employ physical force, might not 
emotional people, many of them famished and illiterate, get 
out of hand? India's noblest tradition, he declared, was satya- 
graha, the force of the soul, the steadfast grasping of truth, 
and this became the pivot of his creed. His philosophy was 
contained in one short sentence of the Upanisbads, the Hindu 
classic: "Truth always wins." Non-violence, ahi?nsa, was the 
practical application of this philosophy. 

Krishna Menon had Gandhi's writings at his fingertips, and 
he quoted them freely to his English friends: 

Strength does not arise from physical capacity. It springs 
from indomitable will. . . . Non-violence is as much the law of 
our species as violence is the kw of the brute. The spirit lies 


dormant in the brute and the only kw he knows is physical 
might. Man's dignity commands obeisance to a higher law the 
strength of the spirit. ... I am not pleading for non-violence 
because India is weak. Being conscious of her power I want her 
to practise non-violence. . . . 

One of his disciples said that Gandhi had the capacity to 
turn clay into heroes. Also, he had an uncanny way of as- 
certaining what people wanted, and then dramatizing their 
wishes in such a way that the world had to take notice. In- 
dians considered him a holy man, and they flocked to see 
him in countlesss numbers. Eventually it became physically 
impossible for him to address such vast masses, but then peo- 
ple had their fill by just looking at him. They went on their 
way contented because they had seen him. 

Although Krishna Menon became a spokesman of the 
Congress Party in his circle of English friends, he was not in 
agreement with all of Gandhiji's policies. Gandhi was travel- 
ing in the middle of the road, Krishna Menon far to the left. 
"The poor will be always with us," Gandhi seemed to say. 
With that view in mind, he collected money for the Lord of 
the Poor, daridnarayan, to help the poverty-stricken wretches 
through charity. Because he considered the poor the special 
favorites of the gods, Gandhi virtually encouraged people 
to remain in their status. Indeed, he glorified poverty. With 
this stand Krishna Menon could not agree. 

Gandhi also advocated national self-sufficiency, and es- 
pecially a return to the simple ancestral craftshandlooms 
producing khadi, cotton cloth. Krishna Menon believed, on 
the other hand, that industrialization was the answer, along 
with modernization of all the other productive processes of 


Differences in Views 

The Labour government was at the helm only for a few 
months. It was defeated at the autumn elections and returned 
to power again only five years later. Krishna Menon observed 
that Labour Party parliamentary members were readier to 
heed his words when they were out of power than when they 
were at the helm. Of course, the Socialists were in a minority 
in their first government, and had to consider the strong views 
of more conservative Englishmen on India. The belief was un- 
shakable that India was the pivot of the British Empire, and 
that were she to go the entire imperial structure would col- 

There was another point on which young Indians in Brit- 
ain, including Krishna Menon and many Labour parliamen- 
tary members, could not agree. To these latter the Soviet 
Union was the abomination of abominations, the betrayer of 
the proletarian cause, the enemy of democracy, and no better 
than the extreme right. 

The enemy of the Indians was imperialism, with which 
they had first-hand acquaintance. They had never been in 
the Soviet Union, and had no clear picture of its way of 
life. They 'were familiar with its professed beliefs. Heading 
the list of these was the Soviets' opposition to imperialism 
and this was in the center of the Indians' interest. 

Also, India was wretchedly poor, Britain rich. Was Britain 
the oppressor in India because of the call of gold? The So- 
viets denounced money as the great seducer. Again the ex- 
patriate Indians sympathized with the Soviet view. Further, 
while many people were soon to look at the Kremlin as the 
powerhouse of expansionism, Indians saw in it the exponent 
of ideas they liked. Were they Communists themselves? Was 


Krishna Menon a Communist? He was not publishing his 
tracts as yet, but when he started doing so they read much 
like Communist propaganda. Occasionally, he advocated 
causes which stood close to Communist hearts. But he was 
not then a Communist himself, nor did he ever become one. 
Not only appearing but sometimes also sounding like Meph- 
istopheles, he was a perennial "sayer of nay." He liked to see 
white where most other people saw black. To submit to Com- 
munist Party discipline would have contradicted his innermost 
nature as a nay-sayer, an incarnation of the nonconformist. 

At the Marble Arch 

One of the great British national institutions is the soapbox 
the decrepit soapbox which people of all political persua- 
sions lug to the Marble Arch in Hyde Park. They set down 
the soapbox and do it to this very day and start exercising 
their prerogative as free citizens of a great country. Royalty 
is, to England, more than a collection of people; it is a hal- 
lowed national institution, a historic symbol, the embodiment 
of ancient tradition. On any day, at Marble Arch, a speaker 
can stand up on his soapbox and demand that the Queen of 
England be ousted. The police are there, watching the pro- 
ceedings and seeing to it that the man has his say without 
rude interruption. 

Krishna Menon was thoroughly impregnated with the idea 
that Britain had done injustice to Bharathis land of India- 
exploiting the people, battening on their miserable livelihoods, 
preventing the free expression of just opinions and clapping 
the best of them in jail. He resented injustice, and the in- 
justice perpetrated on his people was, he felt, an insult not 
only to them but to all mankind. His thoughts clustered 


around India. A conversation with a neighbor might begin on 
any subject, but it was bound to end with Bharat. "The sun 
is lovely," the neighbor would remark, and Krishna Menon 
would answer, "Yes, but British rule in India is atrocious." 

He was bursting with zeal to let the world know how he 
felt about this. And so off he marched to the Marble Arch. 

Audiences stimulated him, and the larger the audience the 
greater the stimulation. Repartee quick as the fencer's rapier 
was his forte, but his humor usually shaded into heavy sar- 
casm. These impromptu speeches helped him to polish his 
oratorical technique, and he would return home, with his 
soapbox, filled with a glow of satisfaction as he recalled the 
thrusts he had scored. 

Curious people, these English, he reflected. Here he was, 
in the lion's cage, twisting the tail of the Lord of the Jungle 
to his heart's content. The audience was pleased, mostly, 
flashing him encouraging smiles, and the lion was meek. A 
brave young Indian he was, deserving of accolade. England 
was the lion's own realm. What would have happened to 
lion-tail-twister Krishna Menon in India? He could not have 
twisted the lion's tail there. Off he would have been marched 
to jail. And that was the paradox: safe in the lion's cage, 
but not outside it. The British were, indeed, a strange breed 
of men so understanding at home and so autocratic abroad. 

In Camden Town 

Thus he remained in England, a student at first and a part- 
time teacher. He kept on living frugally, almost like those 
Indian ascetics who were able to live on air for days on end. 
Yet he was not poor, because he was free to say and do the 
things he wanted to. He was not poor even from the financial 


point of view, although he had little enough money. Poverty 
was mainly a state of mind, he found, except when it became 
a reality in countries like India. 

Where did he live? First in Bloomsbury, just beyond Uni- 
versity College, in a boarding-house district filled with stu- 
dents' "digs." Thirty shillings was about the maximum he 
spent a week for rent, and a private bathroom was a luxury 
beyond his reach. Later he had a room in Hampstead, not a 
bad neighborhood, and in Highgate, to the north. Most of 
the time he lived in one part or another of the St. Pancras 
municipal borough, mostly in its center, Camden Town, as 
typical a working-class district as he could find. And the 
rooms there were cheaper, too. 

His flats in Camden Town were rickety places, the sooty 
paint peeling from the walls, and the staircase a disgrace. 
Even his bare lightbulb seemed to be almost a luxury in that 
naked setting. He filled his iron stove with all the inflammable 
junk he could lay his hands on, sitting close to it swathed in 
clothes even during the height of the summer season, re- 
creating the climate of the Malabar Coast. And there was 
always that battered teapot, which must have been one of the 
most overworked utensils in London Town. 

Camden Town's inhabitants were mostly workers in the 
nearby railway yards and furniture and piano-making plants, 
or were the usual "service" people, delivering the mail and 
milk, driving the trucks. Many of them were narrow-chested, 
insignificant-looking people, shuffling off to work in the 
morning, shuffling back in the evening, sallow-faced and 
weary. A dispirited bunch of people they looked, and not at 
all the Uebermenschen of his younger days on the Malabar 

Camden Town is crisscrossed by a network of rails, ending 


in three terminals. Long before the break of dawn, the bulg- 
ing suburban trains are swishing into town, and what a noise 
they make! Although London is a monstrously bloated mega- 
lopolis, Krishna Menon would never have suspected that 
so many people lived in its northern suburbs, disembarking 
at the nearby King's Cross Station. And what a flood of 
people streamed into town from the northeast, arriving at 
the Midland Railway's massive St. Pancras Station. The 
Euston Station was the outlet for bringing the northwestern 
suburbanites into town. The residents of Camden Town 
could listen to the wailing whistle of the fast trains, shaking 
the very crust of the earth in their swift advance; and the 
nocturnal operations of the railway yards provided a shat- 
tering counterpoint. Eventually he got used to these sounds, 
too. What right did he have to complain about a fate which 
he shared with so many others? This type of life became his 

He stayed longest at 57, Camden Square for the entire 
duration of World War II and some years before and after 
approximately ten years. The square is pleasant enough and the 
small flower-garden behind the house is attractive, but both the 
square and the house had seen better days. The environment is 
prominently multiracial today. 

Krishna Menon had a room and the use of the bath. His fur- 
nished room had a bed, a table, a couple of chairs, a wardrobe 
and a sideboard. Come hell or high water, he had to have his 
morning bath, and hell often broke loose when the Luftwaffe 
set out to put the torch to London. Krishna Menon's landlady 
is still puzzled about this. Did he, she wonders, insist on his 
morning bath because of his religion? He paid a pound per 
week for rent, including the price of his breakfast tea and 
toast. The rent was modest even for Camden Town. 


Krishna Menon used his room only for sleeping. He never 
gave any parties nor did he entertain guests. In the evening he 
returned at irregular hours, and if it was not late, he asked Mrs. 
Rouse for tea. While Krishna Menon was meticulous about his 
clothing, he left his room in Bohemian disarray. It is with some 
amusement that Mrs. Rouse recalls that his discarded clothing 
was scattered all over the room and that he seemed to be unable 
to fold his towels "neat-like." 

He never talked about India or his court cases. Sipping his 
tea in the ground-floor apartment he would make the expected 
comments about the weather. It was not part of his plan to 
convert his landlady and her son, a tool designer, living in the 
same house, to his creed of freedom for India. 

The landlady's son summed up his and his mother's reaction 
to Krishna Menon in a simple comment with which it is dif- 
ficult to take exception: "He's not matey." 


The Peregrinating Scholar 

The "Chela" and the "Guru" 

studies until he was thirty-seven. He managed to remain 
penniless most of the time, because of his haughty disdain for 
the "profit motive." To this day he seems to be proud of 
the fact that he never carries money in his pocket. Still, he 
had to pay the weekly twenty shillings for his rent, keep his 
overworked teapot boiling, buy in the market the little food 
he needed, and pay for his "flannel bags." Proudly he tells 
the inquirer even today that he got his bachelor's and master's 
degrees with first-class honors. But we have to line up the 
periods of his life in proper order. 

His connection with the Fabian Society paved the way for 
his scholastic career. The Fabian Socialists believe in gradu- 
alismthat history's innate forces take their own good time. 
No revolutions evolution and the "inevitability of gradual- 
ism." Many of the immortals of British letters came to believe 
in the Fabian creed, and Krishna Menon came to know them 


all. He seems to have won them over with his arguments 
about the "inevitability of gradualism" as applied to India. 
That is how he established his contacts with George Bernard 
Shaw, H. G. Wells, Harold Laski, the Webbs, and many 
others. Yet the Fabian creed was too tame for Krishna Menon. 
Just the same, he cherished the connections he made there, 
and above all cherished his contact with Harold Laski. He 
claims that Laski was his principal guru, and that he was 
Laski's chela, disciple. According to Krishna Menon, Laski is 
supposed to have said: "Yes, I taught Krishna Menon, but it 
was not always he who was at the receiving end." 
And this leads us to the London School of Economics. 

The London School of Economics 

It all began with Sidney Webb that pudgy little man with 
the enormous forehead and the quizzical look in half-smiling 
eyes at the time when Krishna Menon was still a resident 
of the Malabar Coast. A former member of the Fabian So- 
ciety, Henry Hunt Hutchinson, left an estate of 10,000 
a large amount in those days to be spent on any cause, at 
the discretion of Sidney Webb. 

A Fabian Socialist, Webb agreed with orthodox Marxists 
that economics formed the framework of many of the 
thoughts and deeds of man in his social environment. He also 
agreed that economics as an academic subject was badly 
neglected, considered a "dismal science" since the doleful 
days of Rev. Thomas Malthus, who had said some dire things 
about the hopeless race between the food supply and the 
rapidly increasing race of man. 

Webb believed that thoughtful people should know more 
about economics and political science. Therefore he deemed 


it a good idea to invest the money left by Mr. Hutchinson 
in a school specializing in these subjects. This was the begin- 
ning of the London School of Economics and Political 

The school was designed to be close to Labour, and to 
laboring men who lacked the funds to study at Oxford and 
Cambridge. People working during the day would find its 
gates open to them at night. Research workers were welcome 
eager amateurs with the perceptions and willingness to work 
on intellectual hobbies. Women were also welcome. 

It was at the turn of the century that the London School 
of Economics was incorporated. It filled a gap and, therefore, 
was a success. Then came World War I, which delayed its 
growth. But it had a great spurt after the war, helped along 
by the success of the Labour Party. Cabinet members, M.P.'s 
and other "big names" considered it an honor to lecture 
there. Because of his connection with Labour people and his 
own inclinations, it was natural that Krishna Menon should 
be attracted to the London School of Economics, which was 
by then incorporated in the University of London, 

The scholarships and bursaries of the school stood impecu- 
nious young people from India and elsewhere in good stead. 
The school was sufficiently broadminded to offer a public 
forum of great respectability for the airing of a variety of 
political views. The chairman of the governors was Sidney 
Webb himself, and the staff of the school was excellent, some 
of them of East Indian and European birth. The brightest 
star in its academic firmament was Harold Laski. 


The Center of the World 

Krishna Menon's life centered around the school, which, 
in turn, was located in the "heartland" of the artistic and 
intellectual life of the capital. What a concentration of treas- 
ures the man from the Malabar Coast found within that 
magic circle, with its radius of slightly over a mile. The 
British Museum was within walking distance and Krishna 
Menon could not afford too many underground fares and 
how right was the noted art critic John Ruskin when he 
said that the museum contained the "grandest concentration 
of human knowledge in the world." The Victoria Embank- 
ment was no more than a step away, and Krishna Menon 
loved to stroll there. The Houses of Parliament were nearby, 
and it was easy to get a "member's order" to the strangers' 

Promenading along Whitehall, he reflected on the innate 
strength of the governmental organization which was strong 
enough to control a global empire. He liked to walk to St. 
James's Park, with its India House, sedate and serene, on the 
dust-covered desks of which was decided the fate of hundreds 
of millions of people. At South Kensington, a longer walk, he 
found a branch of the Victork and Albert Museum the India 
Museum, erstwhile property of the defunct East India Com- 
pany, containing a matchless collection of India's ancient and 
modern arts and crafts, confirming his belief in the power of 
regeneration of the people of the subcontinent. 

Harold Laski and India 

A stunted little man spoke in his high-pitched voice, and 
an empire took heed. Gandhiji was a master of public rela- 


tions, for India and for himself. He proved that stronger than 
the mightiest firearm is the human spirit. He aroused not 
only the intellectuals, but also the masses of the people. Gandhi 
called for non-violent non-cooperation against the British, 
the boycott of British merchandise and non-payment of taxes. 
Endless bouts of hartals (strikes and sabotage) affected Brit- 
ain's money-nerves. Japanese goods penetrated into the eco- 
nomic blood stream of India. Britain found that lofty disdain 
was no longer in place. An Indian statutory commission under 
the chairmanship of Sir John Simon, one of the last great 
Liberals, was laboring to pierce the fog surrounding the 
problems of India. 

Ramsay MacDonald was again at the helm in 1929, the 
leader of Labour. Two years later he headed a coalition gov- 
ernment which was to last until 1935. Was The India League 
of Krishna Menon about which more later instrumental 
in pricking Labour's conscience in regard to the Indian im- 
broglio? Labour did have an uneasy feeling about India, but 
the time was not yet ripe for drastic action. It was, however, 
ripe for a more serious study of the problem than it had 
received heretofore. And Krishna Menon's guru, the "brain- 
truster" of the Labour Party, Harold Laski, had a hand in 
that investigation. 

The Indian conference, in which Harold Laski was in- 
volved, took place in 1931. The former Lord Chancellor of 
England, Viscount Sankey, was the chairman of this Indian 
conference, and Laski worked with him. We can follow the 
details of this work in the highly interesting correspondence 
between Laski and Oliver Wendell Holmes already men- 
tioned. This section of the correspondence began when Laski 
wrote to Holmes, on September 17, 1931, "Half the time I 


am a kind of eminence grise for Sankey at the Indian confer- 


Laski's letters enable one to look into some of the Indian 
problems. It was the Indian princes who created the greatest 
difficulties, he wrote his great American friend. They were 
prima donnas, difficult to handle. Krishna Menon said of 
them that many of them were detestable creatures. 

"They are ill-educated, tyrannical" Laski wrote "with no 
conception of negotiation. . . . They take you straight back 
to the East India Company and make you feel that discus- 
sion with the likes o' them is folly and that one ought to 
act like Warren Hastings with them." (His reference was 
to the eighteenth-century governor-general of India, who 
had sought to break the princes' hold.) 

The "communal problem" was another affliction about 
which Laski wrote. This was the chronic feud between the 
Hindu majority and the Moslem minority, beholden as they 
were, and are, to different sets of values proceeding from 
different historical paths of development, sharing contrary as- 
pirations, dreaming different dreams. 

Laski dwelt upon the Moslem spokesmen's role at the con- 
ference table: "Their religious fanaticism is terrible." 

Sankey tried to urge him to talk to the Moslems, and Laski 
wrote to Holmes in another letter: "I had their leader here 
for hours, trying to find a basis for discussion. But it was 
like talking to a wall." 

This Moslem saw his own religion as the ultimate and only 
truth, and even when talking about secular matters he never 
relinquished the field of theology. 

A Maharajah was Laski's dinner-table neighbor on one 
occasion, and "a more banal idiot I have never met. For no 
other reason than drawing attention to himself and giving 


orders he had windows opened and closed." Laski was then 
bidden to dine with another prince, who made nine speeches 
in the course of one evening. "I enjoyed the first five because 
one never knew what he was going to say next." 

The Sankey committee had a limited task to prepare, if 
possible, a bill providing for the federation of the Indian states 
and provinces. Further, it was to pave the way for provincial 
autonomy. Participating at the conference was Mahatma 

"The drama of this wizened little man with the whole 
power of the empire against him is a terrific spectacle/' Laski 
wrote. "The basis of it all is, I think, the power of an ascetic 
over eastern minds who resent the feeling of inferiority they 
have had for 150 years. And to watch his people hang on 
to his words, he who has neither eloquence nor the gift of 

verbal artistry, is fascinating But at least I understand now 

why Christianity in the first century appealed to the poor 
and the oppressed. Through Gandhi the ryot [peasant] feels 
himself exalted; he embodies for them their own impulse of 

"Gandhi is really remarkable," Laslti wrote in another let- 
ter, "and there is no difficulty in understanding the veneration 
he inspires. He is quiet, precise, subtle and there is an inner 
dignity about him, which is of supreme quality." 

Laski found it fascinating to watch Gandhi at work, and 
he tried to penetrate into his secret the spell he cast over 
his audience. 

"It comes, I think, from what the Quakers call the inner 
light a power of internal self-confidence which, having es- 
tablished its principles, is completely impervious to reason." 

The Indian students who surrounded Laski found the 
supreme image of Indian aspiration in Gandhi. They formed 


a majlis, or assembly, as they called it, in the London School 
of Economics and other parts of the University of London. 
Gandhi's value to their cause was inestimable. Here was a 
saint, the opposite of the ideal of western materialism, the 
oriental Parsifal, pure in spirit, cleansed of the dross of every- 
day life. 

He was simple in his habits simple as the food he ate. Not 
for him the aspiration to rise above his people in the amenities 
of life; the lowest-class train coach was his usual means of 
transportation. Members of the majlis in London, however, 
neglected to tell their English friends that the saintly Gandhi's 
simple food cost his party friends a fortune because it had 
to be of a special quality and was extraordinarily difficult to 
obtain, and that they had to buy up all the tickets of a rail- 
way coach for his travels so as to keep him from contamina- 
tion from those unwashed masses whose supreme teacher he 
was. It cost the National Congress Party vast sums to keep 
Gandhi in the style of poverty to which he had become ac- 

Some of the majlis members also knew that the Gandhian 
simplicity was contrived, and that he was a consummate 
actor, one of the greatest the century has seen. But he did 
have deep empathy with his people, was the perfect sounding 
board for their aspirations. Had he been a real "saint," with 
no personal aspirations and deficient in histrionic ability, he 
might have been one of the nameless millions to die of star- 
vation in countless unnamed villages. 

The countless conflicts between the Hindus and Moslems, 
the princes and the British administration, could not be rec- 
onciled, and the conference was a flop. In those days many 
Englishmen, even of the most liberal persuasion, were con- 
vinced that should India whirl out of the imperial orbit the 


United Kingdom would be reduced to the status of a third- 
rate nation, unable to sustain its population on the "tight little 
island" and forced to inaugurate a large-scale movement of 
emigration overseas. 

And what of the influence which Krishna Menon hints that 
he exerted on Laski? The Laski-Holmes correspondence is 
printed in two large volumes of more than 1,600 pages. Most 
of the names mentioned are those of people whom Laski met, 
since Holmes, very aged, wrote fewer letters. The index for 
both men contains some 380 names. Krishna Menon's name 
is not mentioned once in the entire correspondence. This may 
be due to the fact that he was merely one of several people 
from India in Laski's entourage, not much different from 
the others. But it is difficult to escape the impression that 
Krishna Menon may have provided no special fare for Laski's 
thoughts in connection with the Sankey conference. 

The Appetite Increases with Eating 

In the meantime, the lanky Indian with the greedy eyes 
kept on studying. His voracious reading was eclectic. In India, 
his passionate interest had been aroused by the annals of the 
subcontinent. Now his main interest shifted to the history 
of the United Kingdom. He read about it not only as an 
exercise ^ la recherche du temps perdu, but also as the tenta- 
tive solution of an enigma. How could an isolated people, 
parochial in its views, create a global empire? What were the 
secret ingredients of the British mind? And what was the 
explanation of that other anomalydemocracy at home and 
autocracy abroad? 

He re-read his favorite authors with the penetration which 
a better knowledge of their intellectual climate had stimu- 


lated. He thought that Burke's Thoughts on the Present Dis- 
content was so modern in its views that it could have been a 
product of the contemporary world. Except that the refer- 
ence should now be to India, not Britain. The policies of the 
Tory government had been oppressive to a public opinion 
in England which was bursting with the belief that even the 
unlettered person could know what he wanted. The English 
had reacted to the Tory policies successfully. What about 
modern India? 

John Stuart Mill continued to be Krishna Menon's favorite 
author. Krishna Menon became absorbed in the narrative of 
Mill's Indian career first a junior clerk, then in charge of 
relations with the native states (an important post), and, 
finally, chief of office. He relished also Mill's Representative 
Government and Thoughts on Parliamentary Reform. 

Krishna Menon's highlighted reading list of those days 
indicates his specialized interests. One of his great favorites 
was the History of England in the Eighteenth Century, by 
William Edward Lecky. The same author's Democracy and 
Liberty and The Map of Life impressed him as the classical 
expositions of the progressive faith. He liked the Histoire du 
Peuple Anglais au X/Xe Siecle, by Elie Halevy, which he 
was to publish in English in another of his reincarnations. 

The uncommonly prolific Trevelyan family left a great 
impression on him. So many great men working in closely 
related fields: Charles, Walter, George, then "the second 
Charles" of the Grand Dynasty, and finally George Macaulay 
Trevelyan. He was fascinated to see how many of Britain's 
great historians had dealt with India's special problems. For 
instance, there was Sir Charles Edward, of the Dynasty, strik- 
ing hard on the main problem of the subcontinent in his 
seminal book On the Education of the People of India. This 


particular Trevelyan had also known Krishna Menon's own 
Malabar Coast. The Indian chela, reading in his Bloomsbury 
student "digs," was fascinated by the offbeat book of Sir 
George Otto Trevelyan, Cawnpore. Among the latter-day 
members of the Dynasty, Krishna Menon appreciated George 
Macaulay Trevelyan's British History in the Nineteenth Cen- 
tury, a subject particularly close to his heart. 

The young Indians of those days were fascinated by the 
"Soviet experiment." Western newspapers were filled with 
criticisms of this new Russia, to be sure, but the Indian stu- 
dents at the London School of Economics were contemptu- 
ous of their strictures. What else could these western news- 
papers say? The emergence of the Soviet state had placed 
capitalism on trial. The more the Soviet Union was attacked, 
the less the young Indians believed the papers. The West 
had oversold its case, and the East no longer trusted its criti- 

Marx and Engels were "classics" by now, their volumes in 
the British Museum thumbed to shreds. There was also Lenin, 
especially his Imperialism as the Last Stage of Capitalism, 
the very tide of which sounded like a trumpet call. And there 
was that errant genius Leon Trotsky, and Karl Kautsky 
concerning whose prevarications the Indians were of different 
minds and, above all, that grand old German Social Demo- 
cratic party leader and author, August Bebel, whose book 
The Woman and Socialism was hailed as a masterpiece. 

Krishna Menon was well into his thirties when he gained 
his master's degree with first class honors at the London School 
of Economics (he never received a Ph.D.) . Now he could add 
"M.Sc." to his academic titles. And there was his thesis, with 
its impressive title: "An Experimental Study of the Mental 
Processes Involved in Reasoning." What did his subject reveal? 


It revealed his growing awareness of the shortcomings of the 
intuitive processes, an awareness which had been long in vogue, 
in the explanations of the French-Italian sociologist-economist 
Vilfredo Pareto and especially those of Henri Bergson. It 
dwelt on the fact that cognition is the uniquely human trait, 
operating within vastly broad borders, the full extent of which 
have yet to be explored. It expatiated on the possibilities of an 
intellectual realm whose building blocks must resemble the 
atoms of the physical universe, and which must be ferreted out 
if the full scope of the potentialities of the mental operations is 
to be grasped. The scholarly Indian was ages away from the 
mystic world of Adyar on the Coromandel Coast, and theos- 

"Gladly Would He Learn, and Gladly Teach" 

Krishna Menon was also engaged in a modest measure of 
teaching while studying. He did this in a setting which impels 
the chronicler to pay a brief visit to the English countryside. 

"When Dante placed the gateway to Inferno in Italy he 
displayed a lack of imagination. He should have placed it in 
the Midlands of England." 

Having begun the industrial revolution, England turned 
a part of the verdant countryside into a wasteland. The in- 
centive was production, and the price paid for it in the de- 
struction of natural beauty was deemed of no account. As 
long as the factories paid, the countryside did not count. Yet 
what more enchanting rural scenes can one find than the 
rainsoaked beauty of the English landscape, where it has 
escaped industrial corrosion? What could be more entrancing 
than meandering along byways lined with hills, or keeping to 
the rural road as it climbs the slope to the nearest hill and then 


dips into the grassy vale on the other side? Was it possible to 
reconcile the interests of industrialization with the values of 
esthetics and the people's health? Krishna Menon was pro- 
jected briefly into the midst of such an experiment. 

It had been launched by a "dreamer of dreams ... the idle 
singer of an empty day," as he called himself: William Morris, 
poet, practicing artist, lover of the arts, dreamer a man of 
genius. He had a dream, and it was a strange one. It told 
him that the free gifts of nature belonged to all people, not 
merely to private interests, and that these gifts could be 
reconciled with the interests of a producing community. 
Morris saw no sense in having eyesores mated with eyesores 
in the ravaged countryside. He believed that a serious effort 
should be made to combine the useful with the beautiful, 
that factories should be installed in the midst of meadows or 
woods, and that they should be flanked by workers' cottages 
surrounded by flower banks. He wanted the ruthless mega- 
lopolis de-urbanized and garden towns built. 

William Morris was one of the founders of socialism in 
Britain, and his idea was embraced by the Labour Party. Its 
interest was not propelled merely by a reawakened esthetic 
sense, but also by a measure of politics. What the Tories had 
destroyed, Labour would reconstruct. While, for technical 
reasons, the first "garden city" was not established in the Eng- 
lish Midlands, eventually its scorched earth was also to be 
redeemed. The first flower-framed industrial city was to rise 
a few miles north of London, within commuting distance, 
at Letchworth. 

The dream of Morris was translated into action by an erst- 
while clerk in a stockbroker's office, London-born Ebenezer 
Howard, the official stenographer of the Chicago law courts, 


later official reporter to the Houses of Parliament, and author 
of Garden Cities of Tomorrow. 

The "ideal town," Letchworth, was protected by a "green 
belt" of some three thousand acres. The industrial plants 
themselves were so spaced as not to encroach upon the peo- 
ple's rights to light and life. The individual cottages were 
placed in garden settings. The rent charged by the munici- 
pality also included the cost of the social services which this 
ideal community was to provide. At the same time, the in- 
crease in the value of the land resulting from the expected 
rise in population density was to be distributed among the 
householders as "unearned increment." 

It was through his theosophist contacts that Krishna Menon 
became a student-teacher at St. Christopher School, Letch- 
worth, for a full academic year shortly after his arrival in Lon- 
don. St. Christopher is recognized as a leading progressive co- 
educational private school. Principal Emeritus H. Lyn Harris 
describes Krishna Menon as a "brilliant teacher" and "good 
historian," who has maintained amicable relations with the 
noted Letchworth school to this day. 

There was an epilogue to the dreamer's dream of garden 
towns replacing the eyesores. Still another attempt was made 
to establish such a community at Welwyn, a score of miles 
from London. It proved abortive. Town developments could 
not always be forced into the straitjackets of ideologies. But 
whatever he may have inferred from Welwyn, Krishna 
Menon is fond of recalling his Letchworth experience. 

A Remote Observer 

Meanwhile he noticed the growing ambivalence of British 
attitudes toward India. He was struck particularly by the 


contrast between Lord Reading and Lord Birkenhead. 

Lord Reading was for a time the viceroy and governor- 
general of India, and a more progressive-minded, humani- 
tarian and highly respected man it would have been hard to 
find. The former Rufus Daniel Isaacs, ex-solicitor general, 
ex-attorney-general and ex-lord chief justice of England was 
all that a creative statesman should be. Why was it, then, that 
conditions were getting worse in India? Why was it that a six- 
year jail term had been imposed upon Mahatma Gandhi, 
whose name was now a legend? 

Krishna Menon compared Lord Reading with the man 
whose offices he often saw in St. James's Park the office of 
the secretary of state for India. The incumbent of that office 
was Lord Birkenhead, the arch-Tory, about whom even his 
biographer had to say, "Humility is not one of his faults." 

"His indrawn lower lips," Quincy Howe, the American 
historian and radio commentator, wrote, "accentuated the 
perpetual sneer in which his mouth had set, and he took the 
superiority of the Anglo-Saxon race as much for granted as 
Hitler took the superiority of the Teutonic." 

Why were conditions in India so intolerable, in spite of 
Lord Reading's decency? Because he, too, like everyone 
else, was entangled in the coils of a bad system as Krishna 
Menon saw it, the enslavement of man by his fellow man. 
Lord Birkenhead did the dirty work while Lord Reading 

Britain was not doing well economically, and so she de- 
cided to improve her condition at India's expense. She raised 
the value of the Indian rupee by 12 1 / 2 per cent. This did not 
look like an earth-shaking event to the English, but it did 
shake the world which was India. Raising the cost of her 
currency, it also increased the prices of the goods of Indian 


exports, pricing many of them out of the market. "The death 
warrant of millions of Indian farmers," the Congress Party 
called it. But it was a challenge to the Indians to disentangle 
themselves from the British coils. 

Even though Lord Birkenhead was convinced that Britain's 
rule in India would endure, the honorable members on the 
benches occupied by His Majesty's Most Loyal Opposition 
found an issue about which to ask embarrassing questions. 
Why were Japanese textile sales in India increasing, British 
textile sales decreasing? Why were capital investments on 
the subcontinent stagnating? What about the non-violent 
non-cooperation campaign oriented toward swaraj self- 
government and how was it affecting British interests? What 
about tax collections? Sometimes, even what about the famine 
epidemics? Something was wrong with British rule in India. 
Something had been wrong, but now something had to be 
done about it. 

There was ferment in the world which even Tories like 
Lord Birkenhead could not ignore. The Soviet Union had 
just announced the First Five-Year PhuPiatiletka. Was it a 
propaganda gesture? What if it was not, and what if the In- 
dians were to begin to take a serious interest in Soviet meth- 
ods? Sir John Allsebrook Simon, junior counsel for the 
British government in the Alaska Boundary Arbitration, way 
back in 1903, former solicitor-general, attorney-general, and 
home secretary, received His Majesty's orders to head an In- 
dian statutory commission. It had the proper frame of refer- 
ence, and a generous time allotment. 

The honorable members of the commission took their time 
in getting started, and reached India in the leisurely way of 
those days. They were given a reception at Bombay harbor. 


Scrawled on the seawalls were the words "Simon, Go Home! " 
The year was 1929. 

Balak and Balaam 

Meanwhile Krishna Menon continued to live in those quar- 
ters of London which the guidebooks usually describe as 
"shabby districts." He liked these shabby districts, and he 
felt at home among the English people, poor English working 
people, who did not look through him, nor look down on 
him because he was "different." He was one of them. He 
found the English tolerant, and "They are civilized people," 
he says. To this very day he has never ceased to repeat that 

His circle of acquaintances was now much broader. Orig- 
inally mainly Labour left-wingers, now they also included 
the established bureaucrats of that party, solid officials who 
were once again to become His Majesty's government in pur- 
suance of the alternations in the standard electoral dialectic. 
He found interest for his cause even among the Tories, the 
very people who stood to occupy high position in India. 

And thus it came to pass that the man from the Malabar 
Coast, who had expected to find enemies, or, at least neutrals, 
in hostile country, found many friends. 

The Bible tells us about the Moabite Balak, who summoned 
the diviner Balaam to proceed into the land of his foes, Israel, 
and there utter a curse. And Balaam went on his mission, as 
directed by his royal master. But as he journeyed into the 
land of Israel, his ass reproved him for what he was about to 
do. The animal knew that its master's heart was not in his task. 
And when he reached his destination, Balaam, the Moabite 
prophet, uttered not a curse but a blessing. And so it was now 


with Krishna Menon, formerly an Indian chela and now some- 
thing of an Indian guru. He had gone to England to utter a 
curse, but he had found enough just men there to change his 


The Song of India 

The India League 

"THE HOME RULE FOR INDIA LEAGUE" had been a creation of 
Annie Besant, and it was to serve as a legislative lobby and 
information center. Its name was changed to "Commonwealth 
of India League" in 1921. For several years it was moribund, 
and might have expired without arousing interest had it not 
been for Krishna Menon. He resurrected it in 1929, under 
the name "The Indian League." 

It had a dingy little office at 156, Strand, one of London's 
great arteries connecting the West End with the City. It was 
a decrepit affair, the most conspicuous feature of which was 
the battered teapot. Krishna Menon appointed himself the 
"honorary secretary" of the league. He assumed the "honor- 
ary" title to indicate that he received no salary. He stayed at 
his post until 1947, when India became independent. 

More than ever, the Indians felt, the need for such an or- 
ganization was urgent. A place was needed where the people 
of the capital of the British Empire could obtain information 


about the point of view of the Indian National Congress and 
about the swaraj, its aspirations for self-government. A center 
was needed where lectures on India could be held, no matter 
how modest the setting, and where distinguished visitors could 
be invited. A center was needed to issue publications associ- 
ated with the name of Gandhi, and also, increasingly, with 
that of Nehru. Also, a corporate image was needed for 
Krishna Menon himself, to make him part of an "institution," 
instead of merely a private person. The growth of the insti- 
tution was to enhance his prestige. 

Finally, a meeting place was needed for nostalgic Indian 
students to get together after their class periods were over, to 
reminisce about their native land and exchange information. 
A place where they could peruse newspapers and literature 
which they lacked the funds to buy. 

Bertrand Russell and Sir Stafford Cripps were frequent 
guests. On one notable occasion Cripps spoke to the league 
about the "white man's burden." This myth, he said, had 
currency not only in high-toned Mayfair drawing rooms, but 
also in the modest homes of millions of working people. They 
assumed that their own jobs would be jeopardized if India 
were to become independent. Yet they should know, Sir 
Stafford said, that an independent India was in their best in- 
terest, too. Such an India would be a willing trade partner, 
and an asset, not a liability. 

Sir Stafford spoke the language of the Labour left wing 
of those days when he added: 

I do not suggest that the British Empire can be changed to the 
B.S.S.R., British Soviet Socialist Republics. But I do suggest that 
we can develop upon the lines of a closely linked group of na- 
tions, planning their economic life for the good of the free peo- 
ples of the world ---- Such a group of countries, associated with 


the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, a free France and an en- 
franchised French empire would indeed become a unit of such 
power and size in the world that it could effectively protect the 
liberties not only of its own peoples but of other peoples as well. 

Krishna Menon the Speaker 

Increasingly, Krishna Menon spoke to India League and 
other audiences. "He was completely absorbed in India," one 
of his former acquaintances recalls. "He was reading, writing, 
thinking, dreaming India." "You could almost hear the pound- 
ing of his heart," a member of an erstwhile audience noted. 
"It happened to be a labor group and the audience liked him. 
He made them feel good in a roundabout way. Some of the 
members of the audience may have appreciated their own 
broad-mindedness, by being so appreciative of his strictures. 
Others thought they fulfilled a party duty by expanding their 
intellectual horizons. Still others were enthralled by the 
throbbing hubbub of intellectual companionship. Some of 
them were fascinated by his un-English ecstasy. Not a few 
people in the audience were delighted to be anywhere as long 
as it was not home." 

When talking to an audience his features became very 
mobile; he was another man. The perpetual grimace which 
looks like a sneer vanished from his face. He seemed to have 
lost himself in making his points. His eloquent eyes and emo- 
tion-laden words helped the audience to grasp the occasional 
meaning which became hidden in the convolutions of his far 
from correct grammar. "What he said" a sophisticated lis- 
tener recalls "would not have looked well in cold print, but it 
sounded well on his warm lips." The intensity of his soul- 
force compensated for his lack of coherence. Words tumbled 


past his heavy lips, getting into one another's way, while his 
eyes gleamed with rapture. He stepped up the attack against 
colonialism and imperialism, his bete noire. Occasionally his 
face screwed into a grimace of disdain, while his expressive 
arms revolved windmill fashion. He liked the intoxication of 
having people under the control of his mind. 

An increasing number of people took notice of him, and, 
curiously, there is an impression of him in an ephemeral 
French newspaper of the extreme right, published in Paris, 
the correspondent of which was looking into the "Blooms- 
bury mentality" of the so-called intelligentsia. The corre- 
spondent described an emotional outburst of Krishna Menon, 
with some exaggeration, no doubt: "// cracba son deft au 
visage de FAngleterre"he spat his defiance in the face of 

He asked questions and answered them. "Would the peo- 
ple of India be able to govern themselves?" They had, for 
centuries, and not any worse than many European countries. 
And, further, this was a new age, and India had learned many 
lessons from history. He quoted Macaulay: "One learns 
swimming in water not outside of it." He repeated about 
government what he was in the habit of saying about law: 
"Government is common sense coupled with human de- 
cency." The two of them were twins, anyway. The greatest 
obstacles could be overcome through good will. Technical 
skills were in short supply in India, but that was not India's 
fault. They should be acquired, and Britain could be of the 
greatest help. Both countries would profit from partnership. 

Two points usually emerged in the discussion period. One 
of them was the communal problemthe relations between 
the Hindu majority and the Moslem minority. How would 


these two communities get along in one country? Were their 
ways compatible? 

He blamed the British officials for having fostered commu- 
nal discords in application of the old adage of great empires 
divide and rule. But, he contended, it was absurd to assert 
that religious differences played a role in this century. Not 
only many regions of the Middle East, but also many Euro- 
pean countries, were multisectarian. Should there be two 
Switzerlands one Catholic and the other Protestant? Should 
there be two Kingdoms of Iraq one Shiite and the other 
Sunnite? Should there be Baptist and Presbyterkn states in 
America? India was a natural unit as natural a unit as any on 
the globe. She was governed as a single unit under the British 
economically speaking and the interests of all her parts 
were interlinked. A dissection of this natural unit would result 
in catastrophe. 

The other standard question he had to tackle referred to 
Britain's welfare after India's secession. What would happen 
if the United Kingdom lost the Indian market? 

Britain was more likely to lose that market if she kept on 
holding India, Krishna Menon asserted. The National Con- 
gress Party was determined to fight for India's rights in that 
way which would hurt Britain's economic interests most by 
a buyers' strike. Also, a look at the world would show that 
free countries were better markets than unfree ones, because 
freedom stimulated all forms of human activity, including 
imagination, organizational talent and the desire for more 
goods. Britain was still the mistress of India, and yet she was 
now fully exposed to the flood of Japanese imports. She was 
bound to benefit from her free association with an independ- 
ent India. 
And so, Krishna Menon's lectures ended. 


"He usually ended his talks with a flourish," said an ob- 
server, "finding it difficult to come to a natural stop. When 
he did, he would assume a posture that looked almost like a 
defiance, thrusting out his lower lip, as if ready to catch the 
first hostile syllable. The audience would fall silent. He had 
said much which could not be digested promptly. The boiler 
was still working and he still had lots of steam to go. But the 
audience had enough." 


In the course of time, Krishna Menon collected an impres- 
sive array of names to put on the stationery of The India 
League. The chairman was Bertrand Russell, who remained an 
inseparable companion. The vice-chairman was the noted car- 
tographer, F. J. Horrabin, long interested in colonial affairs 
and a Fabian Society stalwart. Anne C. Wilkinson was the 
treasurer, and Tom William, M.P., was the parliamentary 
secretary. The letterhead listed now the names of two sec- 
retaries, James Marley and V. K. Krishna Menon. We may 
assume that the working secretary was the man from the 
Malabar Coast. 

The object of the league was now officially stated to be 
"to support the claim of India for swaraj (self-rule)." The 
league also issued a considerable number of tracts, sold for a 
penny or twopence. The reader was assured, "Publications of 
the India League are carefully written and designed to be 
informative. Every care is taken to verify facts and figures." 
Then, another word: "When pamphlets appear under the 
names of the authors, they represent the free expression of 
their views and their analysis of a particular problem consist- 
ent with the general purpose of our publication." 


The excellent relations of The India League and the British 
trade unions were indicated in a note: "Made and printed in 

Great Britain by the Fairleigh Press (T. U. throughout )" 

with the added emphasis of italics. 

The India League tracts all covered various aspects of the 
same problem: self-government. Some of the pamphlets were 
written by Krishna Menon, who seems to have been the India 
League most of the time; others were written by Nehru, or by 
some British sympathizer with the Indian cause. 

For instance, Krishna Menon analyzed the low productivity 
of the Indian peasant in one of the tracts. Was the peasant of 
the subcontinent an inefficient creature? No, he said, all this 
was not the fanner's fault, but that of the British ruling circles. 
It was in their interest to perpetuate the peasant's attachment 
to tradition. The device served the purpose of keeping the 
people less efficient, burdened as they were by the accumu- 
lated debris of discarded ways. 

For instance, why could the American fanner do the work 
of fifty Indian villagers? He was not fifty times taller. But he 
was fifty times more efficient, because his government so 
Krishna Menon arguedgave him a helping hand. And, turn- 
ing to another subject, why did the British government do so 
little for education in India? Because educated people often 
serve to awaken public conscience. They are the type of peo- 
ple who may cause trouble simply by thinking and talking. 

Britain's Prisoner was the tide of another pamphlet writ- 
ten by Krishna Menon. The prisoner he wrote about was 
Jawaharlal Nehru, in jail for the eighth time in nineteen years. 
He had been brutally assailed by the police while participating 
in a peaceful demonstration. He had been beaten, arrested, 
dragged before the provincial magistrate and sentenced to 
four years of rigorous imprisonment. 


And there was that pamphlet on Faimne Politics (by 
Reginald Sorensen), an indictment of British policies by an 
incensed member of Parliament. Then there were the pam- 
phlets by Nehru, published mainly during World War II: 
What India Wants and Peace and India, among others. Nehru 
had to contend with much opposition within his own Con- 
gress Party before he was accepted as the leader, and it is to 
be noted that Krishna Menon opened the publications of The 
India League to him, and not to his opponents. 

Condition of India 

For three years the Simon Commission had been laboring, 
talking to British officials all over India, analyzing the prob- 
lems of the subcontinent, and offering remedies. Finally, its 
findings and recommendations were published in a massive 
report. The comment of India was: "A cup of milk for the 
famished lion." The recommendations for provincial self- 
government or at least a large measure of it were imple- 
mented. But the central problem remained, and that was the 
establishment of self-government on a federal level. The ob- 
stacles were numerous: the relations of British India and the 
India of the princes; the communal problem of Hindus and 
Moslems; and, above all, the problem of British vested inter- 

Now Krishna Menon's India League decided to have a 
hand in this matter, to have a "Simon Commission" of its own 
travel all over India and talk not only to British officials, 
who represented only one aspect of the problem, but also to 
Indian leaders of thought and action, and above all, to the 
Indian man in the street, and in the field, too. 

Members of the delegation were announced as Monica 


Whately, Ellen Wilkinson, Leonard W. Matters, and V. K. 
Krishna Menon, "M.A., B.Sc." They ultimately produced a 
book under the tide Condition of India, "Being a Report of 
the Delegation Sent to India by The India League in 1932, 
Published by Essential News, 534 Pages, with Tables and 

Members of the delegation sailed from Venice on August 
5, 1932, reaching Bombay twelve days later. They spent 
eighty-three days in India, leaving again by way of Bombay on 
November 7. They covered the subcontinent from Kashmir 
to Cape Comorin, and from the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian 
Sea. They visited nearly all parts of India, including the 
troubled region of the Khyber Pass. They consulted all strata 
of Indian Hfe, including spokesmen of the "silent masses"; 
representatives of kisan sabhas, peasants' groups, in the United 
Provinces; the "Redshirts" of the Northwest Region; and 
followers of the Khilafat movement in the Punjab, strongly 
slanted toward Islam. Members of the delegation had to live 
frugally, since they were not well endowed with funds. On 
October 22, for instance, they had to spend the night on the 
terrace of the Temple of the Goddess Ahapuri (Fulfiller of 
Hopes), dreaming, presumably, about the problem of obtain- 
ing funds to complete their tour. They were some ^ 200 short 
of their minimum budget. 

The framework of the delegation was broad. What were 
the real living standards of India, objectively assayed, and 
what was the extent of starvation? Too, what was the extent 
of affluence? What about the government officials, their con- 
duct and influence-the I.C.S., the police and the courts? 
What was the condition of the jails? What about labor and 
wages; the press and public opinion? Were the peasants aware 
of the work of the Congress Party? What was the extent of 


Gandhi's influence? What did the people of India want? 

Keen eyes were focused on the delegation throughout their 
tour. The members noticed a bus full of policemen shadowing 
them at one point. They claimed later that several people 
they had consulted were subsequently beaten and jailed. 

Eventually, the book was published. The Preface was writ- 
ten by Bertrand Russell, chairman of the league. He addressed 
himself to two practical problems. He recommended that a 
roundtable conference be convoked without delay so as to 
prepare the way for full Dominion status, and he also urged 
that all political prisoners in India be released without delay. 

The most significant part of the report contained the con- 
clusions of the members of the delegation about the political 
awareness of the people of India. "We tested for ourselves in 
a number of cases" the delegation reported "the extent to 
which the peasant appreciated and understood the causes in 
the pursuit of which his property and person are subjected to 
losses and risks. In a Madras village we spent quite a long time 
in questionings and cross-examination of villagers. We found 
that the economic and social conditions were very live ones. 
We heard about poverty, taxation, foreign exploitation, and 
neglect of education. We found that the villagers knew what 
the Congress stood for; although they had no illusions about 
the enormity of the task before the country." 

The book contained an extensive historical part, and credit 
for its writing was given to Krishna Menon. 

"A Good Book h the Best of Friends" 

Krishna Menon was now well established in London. He 
was called to the bar in 193435 a member of the Middle 
Temple, London-but he does not seem to have engaged in 


much practice, either because legal work did not interest 
him or else because The India League consumed too much of 
his time. But he did come to play a role temporarily at least 
in a new development in the field of British book publishing. 

It all began with the Lane brothers, Richard, Allen and 
John, zestful and filled with what they thought was a great 
idea. They launched a publishing firm, Penguin Books, to 
publish soft-cover reprints of contemporary "classics" at a 
very low price. There were three types of these: novels, in 
orange and white jackets; detective stories, in green and white; 
and popular biographies, in blue and white. 

Most of the established English publishing houses took an 
extremely dim view of this venture. It was true, they said, 
that soft-cover books had previously been published in Eng- 
land, when people wanted a slender volume they could slip 
into their pockets on a trip via that modern means of trans- 
portation, the railway. They recalled "The Run and Read 
Library," "The Railway Library" and "The Travellers' Li- 
brary." But that had been long ago. In the twentieth century 
people wanted hard-cover books which they could show on 
their drawing-room shelves and also, occasionally, read. They 
would not buy flimsy paperbacks. 

The Lane brothers did not have much to lose and so they 
decided to try just the same. They published reprints, such as 
Ernest Hemingway's A Farewell to Arms, Andre Maurois' 
Ariel, ou la vie de Shelley (in English translation) ; and Eric 
Linklater's Poet's Pub. The print orders were very small at 
first, but then they began to rise. 

Bookish Krishna Menon's dark eyes were wide open for 
new developments in the publishing world, and he took due 
notice of the Penguins' progress. Also he had an idea, which 
he hastened to bring to the attention of the enterprising Lanes. 


The idea was even more enterprising: to move heavily into 
the nonfiction field, and to publish not only reprints but also 
original works by big names. 

This was all very well, but the publishers needed some as- 
surance that important schools and other organizations would 
take note of this venture. Krishna Menon had by then lined 
up an impressive number of contacts, not only in the political 
but also in the educational world, contacts which the three 
enterprising Englishmen lacked as yet. So he introduced the 
Lanes to influential fellow Britishers whom he knew, and who 
could be of some help. Among these were the secretary of the 
British Institute of Adult Education, W. E. Williams, and 
H. L. Beales, an influential faculty member of Krishna 
Menon's own alma mater, the London School of Economics. 
They agreed that the books envisioned by Krishna Menon 
would be useful in adult education not the least reason for 
this being their drastically reduced price and that therefore 
they would be ready to lend a hand. This is how the Pelican 
series of the Penguins came into existence. Krishna Menon 
became its general editor. 

The bang with which Krishna Menon started the Pelicans 
resounded in the publishing world. Among his first tides, 
starting with 1937, was a book by George Bernard Shaw. 
The title of the original volume was The Intelligent Woman! s 
Guide to Socialism. (A Tory author countered with The 
Socialist Woman's Guide to Intelligence.) Krishna Menon 
himself induced the terrible-tempered Mr. Shaw to add two 
new sections to the book one on sovietism, and the other on 

The early titles of the Pelicans reflected Krishna Menon's 
eclectic tastes. They included a reprint of one of his favorite 
books by Elie Halevy, A History of the English People in 


/ 82$; Julian Huxley's Essays in Popular Science; Vision and 
Design, by the English painter and critic Roger Eliot Fry; 
Social Life in the Insect World, by Jean-Henri Fabre, the 
French entomologist; The Mysterious Universe, by Sir James 
Jeans; Literary Taste, by Arnold Bennett; and Civilization, 
by Clive Bell, the art and literary critic. 

Subsequent volumes included works by Harold Laski, 
Krishna Menon's idol; the unbelievably prolific H. G. Wells; 
Harold Nicolson, famed as a diplomat and author; Sir Nor- 
man Angell, Nobel Prize laureate; and Wickham Steed. 

By this time the Axis powers were throwing their weight 
around in the world Hitler's Germany, Mussolini's Italy, 
and the war lords' Japan. Krishna Menon waged his own cold 
war against them as the editor of the Pelicans. He published 
reprints of Blackmail or War?, by the "French Cassandra," 
Genevieve Tabouis, and Edgar Ansel Mowrer's Germany 
Puts the Clock Back. Altogether he seems to have edited some 
thirty books. 

Unbusinesslike Krishna Menon had no contract with the 
businesslike Lanes, and so their cooperation faded into a dense 
cloud of misunderstandings. 

On the occasion of the Silver Jubilee of the pioneering 
Penguin books, Sir Allen Lane, the managing director, noted: 

It was in the political field that we first commenced original 
publishing, when we found, somewhat to our surprise, a number 
of authors who were prepared to chance first publication of 
their books in paper covers at sixpence, with a royalty of a 
farthing a copy, in place of the more certain returns which pub- 
lication through normal channels would have ensured. . . . 

Thus began the great "paperback revolution" of the pub- 
lishing business in the twentieth century. 


^Friendship Is a Sheltering Tree 55 

Meeting the "Brahman 

his dothi draped around his middle, was the symbol of India. 
But the world of the thirties was becoming more and more 
aware of the importance of the "Crown Prince," the successor 
and the reflection of the image, and therefore himself sancti- 
fied Jawaharlal Nehru. A vigorous worker for Indian inde- 
pendence, he had been president of the Indian National Con- 
gress three times. 

Nehru was an aristocrat among aristocrats, a Brahman 
whose ancestral home near the divine abode was in Kashmir, 
the clouds of which popular belief held to be the sheets of 
divinity. The family had descended from the mountain peaks 
to the Gangetic plains, into the city of Allahabad, City of 
Allah. Its name recalled the injunction of the Prophet of 
Allah to put the infidel to the sword, for Allahabad had been 
a Moslem center. It was situated on the plain of the Ganges, 
most sacred of all Indian rivers, life-dispensing source of the 



richest portion of the subcontinent. It symbolized anew the 
great Indian duality, the communal problem, calling for the 
reconciliation of seemingly irreconcilable views. 

Nehru's father, Motilal, had also been a nationalist leader: 
member of the United Provinces legislative council, founder 
of the Independent, an Indian nationalist newspaper, former 
president of the National Congress, member of the Indian 
legislative assembly, author of the Nehru Report, advocating 
Dominion status for India. In carrying out the recommenda- 
tion of the report, he sponsored the continuation of a cam- 
paign of disobedience against the British. 

His son, Jawaharlal, was a product of Harrow and Cam- 
bridge, a disillusioned ex-theosophist (unlike Krishna Menon, 
who never became completely disillusioned with theosophy) 
and a distinguished "jailbird," imprisoned by the British so 
many times that he almost lost count. The authorities got so 
much into the habit of incarcerating him that he was put in jail 
even by the court of an Indian potentate, the Maharajah of 

His family background and education might have condi- 
tioned him to become an arch-conservative. He might even 
have become a pillar of the extreme right, had he been born 
in Britain. But he was born in the City of God the Moslem 
God and he was a Brahman of the Hindus. Also, he was en- 
dowedblessed or cursed with a strong sense of justice. He 
was blessed, too or more likely cursed with such a strong 
sympathy for the poor that he was in a state of constant 

His heart was hurt by what he saw in his Indian world. 
The English, whose basic traits he admired, saw no incon- 
sistency in the discrepancy between their professions of faith 
and their deeds. They accorded brutal treatment to people 


who wanted no more than a portion of the rights the British 
considered every man's heritage. And he noticed something 
else too: even though the British lodged him in jails, they 
treated him less brutally than they treated people of less ex- 
alted line, because they knew he was an aristocrat, and be- 
cause he had a Harrow and Cambridge background. 

Nehru agreed with Gandhi that satyagraha was the indige- 
nous Indian way to react to the treatment meted out by the 
British trying to influence the oppressor through the force 
of the soul, and not through soulless force. Thus, in a sense, 
Nehru and the people of India paid a great compliment to the 
British, the compliment being this: that they believed the 
British would change their ways even though they were not 
forced to do so by firearms; and that the soul of the victor 
would react to the soul of the vanquished, respecting its desire 
to share in the benefits Englishmen themselves had obtained 
through their fight for freedom. 

Also, Nehru and his companions saw another monster 
emerging from the primeval mud of man's emotional heritage. 
This was the ideology which the world had come to know 
under the name of fascism. It was the glorification of that 
physical force which the people of India had decided to for- 
sake. It boasted of expressing the innermost nature of modern 
man, and of being the "wave of the future." Nehru held to 
the view that it expressed the innermost nature of a diseased 

At the time, neither Nehru nor most of his companions in 
the struggle for India's freedom saw communism the way the 
West was to see it later. They looked at it from their own 
highly selective angle, detaching it from the externals which 
they did not consider of importance to themselves. What they 
saw mainly was that communism professed to be anti-imperial- 


ist. They also saw that it was violently opposed to fascism. 
They heard it pay lip service to peace. These professions of 
faith pleased many of the Congress people. They were not 
Communists, but most of them professed to be Socialists. 

"Socialism for me," Nehru said, "is not merely an economic 
doctrine which I favor; it is a vital creed which I hold with 
all my head and heart." 

He was in the habit of expounding his creed to large gather- 
ings of people, and they listened to him with reverence. Many 
of them did not understand the language he spoke (which was 
Hindustani), while others understood some of it but could 
not follow the context. That did not matter, however. Simple 
people in India and in other regards, perhaps elsewhere, too 
are often able to be in tune with a speaker's thoughts with- 
out comprehending his words. As was true of Gandhi, people 
were perfectly happy just to look at Nehru. Perhaps they 
thought he exuded some emanation of divine grace, and that 
thus they would be fused with a substance which like the 
waters of sacred streams removed the taint of sin and pre- 
pared the soul for an exalted reincarnation. 

That was how Jawaharlal Nehru acquired status. People 
began to call him Bharat Bushan India's Jewel and also 
Tyagamurti Embodied Sacrifice. And when the people ut- 
tered these words many thought they were approaching the 
divine substance. 

Meeting Krishna Menon 

Nehru was to become "Mr. India," the incarnation of the 
collective will of his countrymen. His stature was at full 
growth. Eventually, his policies were to be all-pervasive, and 
his collaborators all of his own choice. Krishna Menon was 


perhaps his most important selection. It was therefore an im- 
portant occasion when the man from Allahabad met the man 
from Malabar. The year was 1935. 

Indians in London knew about Krishna Menon, and were 
also familiar with the fact that he played an increasingly im- 
portant role as the spokesman of their continent in the capital 
of the empire. The India League was also much in the public 
eye. The National Congress Partysome people said had a 
one-man powerhouse in London Krishna Menon. He had a 
surprisingly large assortment of important contacts, some of 
whom were of the highest echelons. The India League book 
about conditions in India had been published, and had called 
attention to him. Nehru had good reasons to get in touch with 
a man who was working so strenuously on behalf of India in 
the heart of the British Empire. 

Nehru visited Europe in 1935. His primary aim was to be 
at the bedside of his wife, hospitalized in Lausanne. From 
there he made a side-trip to London, and there he at last met 
Krishna Menon. 

Nehru had work to do in the capital. He was looking for a 
publisher, and he wanted to get in touch with influential poli- 
ticians on both sides of the aisle in the House of Commons. 
Nobody could have been more helpful to him in all these 
matters than Krishna Menon. He introduced Nehru to a pub- 
lishing firm which, subsequently, printed his autobiography. 
He arranged public lectures for him and introduced him to 
people of influence in Britain's political life. 

From the outset, Krishna Menon seems to have made an 
impression on Nehru. Increasingly, the man from Malabar 
became the principal London contact of the National Con- 

It was not a monolithic organization, except in one respect 


it single-mindedly wanted swaraj for India. But ideological 
differences on the higher levels were pronounced. There were 
many leaders with divergent views: Chakravarti Rajagopala- 
chari, of Madras; Abul Kalam Azad, who was to become presi- 
dent of the Congress; Abdul Ghaffar Khan, known also as 
the "Frontier Gandhi"; and Vallabhbhai Patel, the conserva- 
tive leader of the "Big Business" wing. Several of these leaders 
disapproved of Nehru's socialist views. Krishna Menon stood 
by Nehru through thick and thin, and this was remembered 
in years to come. 

"Angry Middle-Aged Men" 

Both of these men had much in common in their philoso- 
phies of life. They were "angry middle-aged men," incensed 
by the injustice they saw all around, the great polarization of 
poverty and wealth, modern society's incapability to establish 
objective standards of merit, its tendency to extol dishonesty, 
especially if it shrouded itself in hypocrisy. Both were Social- 
ists, and that meant to them an attempt to solve contemporary 
problems through a judicious adjustment of the interests of 
the individual to the social weal. Unlike many of their fellow 
Congressmen, they were neither provincial nor parochial, but 
internationalists who perceived India's role within the context 
of Asia and of mankind. They were "westerners," who shared 
the view that the Occident could off er some solutions which 
the Orient lacked the ability to deliver. They saw modern 
civilization as the potential instrumentality geared to the 
higher expectations of modern man. 

Both men lived in self-imposed exile, one in England, the 
other in India. Krishna Menon paid only one visit to India in 


an entire generation. Nehru lived in exile in his native country. 
As he once wrote: 

I have become a queer mixture of East and West, out of place 
everywhere, at home nowhere. Perhaps my thoughts and ap- 
proach of life are more akin to what is called Western than 
Eastern but India clings to me, as she does to all her children, in 
innumerable ways; and behind me lie, somewhere in the subcon- 
scious, racial memories of a hundred, or whatever the number 
may be, of Brahmans. I cannot get rid of either that past inherit- 
ance or my recent acquisitions. They are both part of me and, 
though they help me in both the East and West, they also create 
in me a feeling of spiritual loneliness not only in public activities 
but in life itself. I am a stranger and alien in the West. I cannot 
be of it. But in my own country also, sometimes, I have an 
exile's feeling. 

Krishna Menon seems to have entertained the idea of set- 
tling in England. But he had no real home there, and one still 
has the very definite impression even today that he is the 
"perennial wanderer" not just the globetrotter, but the man 
who somehow seems not to have been born into the setting 
which would have been his own choice. His constant travel- 
ings in the world indicate his predilections. 

The relationship between Nehru and Krishna Menon was 
not a conventional friendship. It was a kinship of the sort the 
Germans call Wahlverwandtschaft, the elective kinship of 
people who become brothers, not through consanguinity, but 
through consensus, the meeting of minds. It is a kinship which 
the passage of years would not dissolve. 

"Ring out the Darkness of the Land" 

"A far away occurrence, unconnected with India," Nehru 
wrote in his recollections, "affected me greatly and made me 


change my decision [to give up the chairmanship of the an- 
nual session of the National Congress], This was the news of 
General Franco's revolt in Spain. I saw this rising, with its 
background of German and Italian assistance, developing into 
a European or even a world conflict." 

It was in the same vein that Krishna Menon wrote about 
the Spanish Civil War in London's Labour Monthly, which 
was to become one of his most important public forums: 
"Congress realizes that the struggle between democratic prog- 
ress and Fascist reaction is of great consequence to the future 
of the world and will affect the future of imperialism in 

The year when civil war broke out in Spain, 1936, marked 
a milestone: it revealed the great fissure in the world. Why 
should Spain have become such a vital issue? She had been 
perambulating on the periphery of history for centuries, and 
now she was sucked into the center. 

The weak-kneed Spanish monarchy having been over- 
thrown, political oscillations had followed for years, as the 
old order tried to reassert itself. The new order was inchoate 
as yet, inclined to run to extremes. Here was an illustration of 
the Marxist dialectic, as Krishna Menon saw it. The thesis was 
the old orderfeudalism; the antithesis, the new republican 
system trying to modernize Spain. What was the Hegelian 
synthesis to be? The government was as yet the receptacle of 
uncoordinated ideas aimed at progress, ideas that constantly 
collided with one another. And then there was the negation 
of these ideasthe concepts of the grandees, supported by an 
obscurantism which was almost medieval, and which drew on 
the support of the bulk of the officer corps, headed by Fran- 
cisco Franco. 
The outside world began to take a deep interest in all this. 


Many people saw it as a battle of profound historical signifi- 
cance, and Krishna Menon echoed these views. Also, his betes 
noires, the Fascists, were turning Spam into a battleground of 
ideologies, and a proving ground for their modern arms. Why 
did they need such a proving ground? Because, Krishna 
Menon thought (and expounded his view in public), the 
Fascists wanted to test their arms in genuine battle situations, 
and because they were bent on testing the fortitude of human 
decency. For years now, Germany's Fuehrer, Adolf Hider, 
had been raving about the softness of the West. France was 
decadent, he had screamed, and America was verjudet, under 
the thumbs of Jews. 

Italian fighting units were soon on their way to the battle- 
fields of Spain, while German fighters descended from the 
skies. The Soviets offered some aid to the Spanish govern- 
ment, but the western powers, headed by Britain and France, 
were afraid of the spread of the conflict, and assumed a stance 
of neutrality. Since the Axis powers controlled most of the 
accesses to Spain, the Russians found the going hard. 

Two years after the outbreak of the war in Spain, Krishna 
Menon and Nehru visited the government-controlled part of 
the country. By that time anti-Fascist elements outside Spain, 
mainly Communists, had begun to send in contingents to 
form an International Brigade. When units of the brigade 
marched by, Spaniards habitually cheered "Viva Rusia" As 
it happened, few of the contingents contained a majority of 

Bombs were falling nightly while the two men visited Bar- 
celona, then the provisional capital of the Spanish government. 
"There I saw much else," Nehru wrote, "that impressed me 
powerfully; and there in the midst of want and destruction 
and ever-impending disaster, I felt more at peace with myself 


than anywhere else in Europe. There was light there, the light 
of determination and of doing something worth while." 

Nehru and Krishna Menon called on some of the key peo- 
ple on the government side. They learned certain lessons there 
which, they thought might stand them in good stead should 
they have a free India one day. They visited the fighting 
sector under the command of "General Lister," a former 
stonemason. He was an effective commander, whose sector 
gave a good account of itself. Here was a proof to the visitors 
from India that Britain's top-drawer Sandhurst had no monop- 
oly of turning out good military men. They could not help 
thinking of the many "Colonel Blimps" of the British Empire, 
named for the unimaginative military man immortalized by 
the English caricaturist David Low. "Alas for this old type," 
Nehru noted, "which shines so much at polo, bridge and on 
the parade grounds, but is so out of place here." 

The two men from India also met the foreign minister of 
the Spanish Republic, Alvarez del Vayo, and again they could 
not help thinking of the solutions of some of the anticipated 
problems of a free India. The Spanish foreign minister had 
been a journalist, not a professional diplomat. Yet he was 
giving a good account of himself at his exposed post, and was 
certainly doing no worse than some of the successful profes- 
sionals. India, too, would, no doubt, be able to draw on such 
hidden talents. 

Finally, they met Dona Dolores Ibarruri, a Basque miner's 
daughter, homely, middle-aged, the mother of adult children, 
and a legendary person because of her dedication to her cause. 
She was known as La Fassionaria. She spoke to them "fiercely 
and ardently in a torrent of lilting Spanish." 

Then Krishna Menon and Nehru went their different ways, 
the one back to England and the other to India and, eventu- 


ally, to jail. They were now linked together in closer bonds 
because they had been under fire together and had seen sights 
they hoped never to see again. 

A year after their visit, the backbone of the Spanish armed 
forces fighting on the side of the government was broken, 
and a victorious General Franco marched into Madrid. Hitler 
and Mussolini and no doubt the Japanese military people, too 
now thought they had proof that the western democracies 
were unable or unwilling to fight off their challenge. World 
War II broke out later in the year. 


In the British Labour Party 

Back-Benchers and "Young Turks" 

THE MAN FROM the Malabar Coast was a British subject, with 
all the rights and duties appertaining to his status. He kept on 
increasing his political associations, in addition to the hundred 
members of Parliament who were formally linked to The 
India League. In addition to the stars of the stature of the 
Webbs, Laski and Cripps, he had the support of many back- 
benchers and a particularly large number of "Young Turks," 
glad to be associated with such a worthy cause as Indian in- 
dependence. The Labour Party was now of governmental 
timber, and was bound to be swept back into 10 Downing 
Street in the regular course of events. Yet there was a vast 
difference between having the back-benchers cheer The 
India League, and having the official endorsement of the 
party. This was what Krishna Menon had tried to attain at 


The Conference at Southport 

The annual conference of the Labour Party met at South- 
port in the autumn of 1934. Krishna Menon undertook to 
submit a resolution about India for the conference's official 
endorsement. It expressed the conviction that it was impera- 
tive that the "principle of self-determination for the estab- 
lishment of full self-government for India should be imple- 
mented forthwith." 

"Tory Socialists" was the name Krishna Menon gave to the 
conservatives within the Labour Party. One of these was 
Arthur Henderson, a member of Labour governments. There- 
fore, he spoke not for the back-benchers and "Young Turks'* 
but for the entire party. British Labour represented not only 
an ideology but also a set of economic interests. 

Theoretically, the Labour Party was interested in all sorts 
of noble causes such as the emancipation of the colonies but 
theory and practice were rolling on different tracks. Labour 
could not aff ord to endanger its chances among the electorate 
on the sensitive issue of India. 

The Trades Union Congress formed a solid core of Labour 
representation, having provided the initial stimulus and also 
a large portion of the finances. Industrial workers alone could 
not decide the outcome of the national election, but they 
did form a strong phalanx of public opinion. The votes of 
the white-collar workers were also needed. Their numbers 
were increasing in Britain, as in other parts of the industrial- 
ized world. Also, the enhanced sophistication of purchasers' 
buying habits was shifting the emphasis to the service profes- 
sions. This growing middle class was saturated with the 
traditional British attitude that the prosperity of the country 
was linked to the unimpaired maintenance of the empire, the 


pivot of which was India. Many of the industrial workers 
shared this view. 

Krishna Menon backed his argument with an appeal to 
Britain's sense of justice and equity. Henderson, the statesman, 
argued on behalf of the "machine" which was the executive 
of the Labour Party. In the end, Henderson won. He was 
diplomatic but firm, not conceding that he was entering into 
a compromise with basic principles. Staunchly, he refused to 
give an undertaking on behalf of the executive that a Labour 
government would carry out a policy of self-determination 
for India. "We have laid down very clearly," he said, "that 
we were going to consult, if possible, all sections of the In- 
dian people. That ought to satisfy everybody." 

It did not satisfy Krishna Menon or his Indian friends, but 
at this point the man from Asia had come into collision with 
the practical facts of Britain's political life. The ideals of the 
Labour Party had when the votes were counted turned 
out to have been conditioned by what its constituents deemed 
to be their economic interests. 

The Purification of Politics 

Was there another incarnation in store for Krishna Menon? 
His ardor, articulateness and ability to find the right contacts 
and to convince people with his intensity almost predeter- 
mined his entry into the field of politics. Several of his friends 
encouraged him to make politics his career in Britain. They 
were thinking, in this regard, not only of his own interest, 
but also of the good of the Labour Party. The British gov- 
ernment of those days spoke in the name of a global empire. 
Yet nearly all her politicians had been born and bred in 
Britain. Unmistakably, Krishna Menon was from India, but 


he was now perfectly at home in Britain. And an added 
advantagehe "understood India." (His well-wishers did not 
realize that India was too variegated to be "understood" by 
a single individual.) He would serve as a bridge between East 
and West. The British Labour Party could claim to be more 
representative of the entire empire if Krishna Menon played 
a nationally recognized role in it. 

The launching of a political career follows certain ground 
rules in Britain, as anywhere else. One starts at the bottom of 
the ladder, where one does not fall too far if one fails. There 
the junior politician may be looked over by the elders, and 
have his work, usefulness and ethics analyzed. 

British Labour has always prided itself on being the people's 
party grass roots, not aloof, like the Conservatives. Its mem- 
bers of Parliament are mostly of the people, living among 
them, thinking their thoughts, speaking out their thoughts, 
and above all, dropping their h's. The Tories were interested 
only in the mansions and countinghouses of the rich, Labour 
Party stalwarts would say. Labour, on the other hand, was 
interested in a broad spectrum of local political organizations. 
Of particular interest to Labour were the fields of education, 
sanitation, aid for the infirm and the aged, maternal cases, 
libraries and art. The party took a deep interest in low-cost 
housing in the scorched-earth area of England: the slum 
sections and the overcrowded industrial districts. These ev- 
eryday problems had to be looked after in the municipalities 
and the boroughs. 

This aspect of Labour "democracy" was the special field 
of Krishna Menon's old contacts, the Webbs. Indeed, several 
of their basic books dealt with such problems: one on indus- 
trial democracy, another on the consumers' cooperative move- 
ment, and, of course, their monumental six-volume study, 


The English Local Government. Krishna Menon was a dis- 
ciple not only of Harold Laski but also of the Webbs, and 
having come from an underprivileged country, he displayed 
great interest in the underdeveloped areas of England. 

He joined the South-west St. Pancras Labour Party, in one 
of London's metropolitan boroughs. In the very center of 
it was Camden Town, where he made his home for several 
years. He was elected to the St. Pancras Metropolitan Borough 
Council from the 4th ward for the usual term of three years 
and was subsequently reelected. The Council is the legislative 
body of the Borough. 

The minutes in the possession of Deputy Town Clerk, D. 
C. Whitlum show that Krishna Menon took an active part in 
Council meetings. He moved at one Council meeting during 
the war that the Borough should petition the British govern- 
ment to forbid any form of propaganda designed to produce 
racial strife. Particularly, he moved that the British National 
Party, whose main aim was to "foster disunity," should be 
banned. He accompanied his motion with comments on 
the growth of anti-Semitic feeling, which he "viewed with ap- 

In another motion he went on record in favor of the "mu- 
nicipalization" of certain construction projects of the Borough. 
Instead of farming out such work to constructors, he moved 
that the Borough itself should engage in such activities, to re- 
duce costs. 

Almost from the beginning to the end of his work on the 
Council, Krishna Menon was the chairman on the Libraries 
Committee. At his recommendation the Committee set up an 
Arts and Civic Council of which he also became the chairman. 
He was successful in obtaining additional appropriations for 
the libraries, the number of which increased considerably. As 


to the new Council, he set the machinery into morion which 
resulted in the establishment of the St. Pancras annual Festival 
of the Performing Arts, which has been imitated in municipal 
boroughs and in other parts of England. 

Has Krishna Menon's influence been felt on the catalogues 
of the libraries? A perusal of the catalogues show that the 
books of his erstwhile guru, Harold Laski, are very well rep- 
resented. The books of Lenin are far less well represented than 
those of Laski, the libraries containing only his most essential 
publications. I was told that he exerted no pressure on the 
librarians to buy his own favorites. 

Krishna Menon was one of the most articulate and vocal 
members of the Council. These are the characterizations one 
hears about him: "Dominant personality . . . lively ... ex- 
pressed himself forthrightly . . . took part in debates with 
vehemence." Some of his colleagues liked him, others disliked 
him. And one a member of the Labour Party once called 
him a "bloody Bolshie." Krishna Menon threatened to sue him. 
He received an apology and the two men established amicable 

W. Timothy Donovan, solicitor, and onetime leader of the 
Conservatives in St. Pancras, says that he got on very well with 
Krishna Menon, whom he found a sensible man, with whom 
it was both possible and pleasurable to talk on many subjects. 

The last time Krishna Menon was reelected to his Council 
seat was in 1945, again from Ward 4 and again for three years. 
He was able to serve only part of his term. He was appointed 
High Commissioner of India to the Court of St. James in Lon- 
don, the highest diplomatic post in his country's keeping. 

He returned to the St. Pancras Town Hall in 1955 to re- 
ceive the honorary freedom of the Borough. In his speech of 
acceptance, Krishna Menon said that he had spent many happy 


years in the Borough and that he acquired his political educa- 
tion there. His name was carved on a large marble slab, follow- 
ing the name of another who until then had been the only 
honorary freeman of St. Pancras: George Bernard Shaw. 

"The Bark and the Bite" 

As he continued to do his work well, opposition to him 
abated. Word got around that his bite was not as bad as his 
bark. It was now his ambition to be nominated as the Labour 
candidate for South-west Pancras. He had to obtain the ap- 
proval of a screening committee which was to examine him 
on his views. His friends had done much lobbying, and it 
seemed that the coveted prize was within his grasp. All 
seemed to be set for his acceptance, when, according to a 
contemporary newspaper account, the "devil" in him got the 
upper hand, and brought about a change in the atmosphere. 
He severely antagonized one of the groups on whose ap- 
proval his selection depended. There was no apparent reason 
for his doing so. When the ballots were counted, he fell one 
vote short of the majority. Again he blamed color prejudice. 
"Krishna Menon's skin color was very much in his favor," 
a member of the screening committee commented. "We did 
think that the place of such an able man was in the House 
of Commons. We also thought that parliament should not 
be reserved for lily-whites." 

One of those who remembered him from those distant days 
has furnished the following appraisal: "He was honestly fight- 
ing injustice not only in India but also in St. Pancras. He saw 
it in every corner. He was obviously conscious of his being 
different and that affected our relationship occasionally. I 
understood him very well, but he was a little suspicious." 


He had another chance to climb the political ladder. This 
time he was to represent Dundee, the Scottish town, in the 
House of Commons. (Britain has no special residence require- 
ments for candidacy in the Commons, and so it did not matter 
that Krishna Menon was a resident of London.) 

But again he failed to reach his goal. He now claims that 
the war intervened and there were no elections. A sheet pro- 
vided by the Indian Information Service contains the follow- 
ing passage: 

In 1939, Menon was chosen as Parliamentary Labour candi- 
date for Dundee, but before he could contest the elections he 
resigned from the party over its Indian policy. Then, as always 
with him, India came first. He rejoined the party in 1945 after 
its annual conference had passed the famous "Independence of 
India" resolution against the advice of the executive. 

And a London periodical noted that just before the crucial 
Labour Party screening, Krishna Menon had accepted an 
invitation to speak on India at a bazaar organized by the 
official Communist mouthpiece, the Daily Worker. Even 
then, the executive of the Labour Party detested the Com- 
munists as much as the Fascists. 

The failure of all these attempts almost suggests the pos- 
sibility that Krishna Menon was filled with a "failure wish," 
at least as far as a seat in the House of Commons was con- 
cerned. Or did his intuition suggest to him that he bide his 
time, awaiting another chance, in a different field? 


Facing the Whirlwind 

The Battle of Britain 

IN THE AUTUMN of 1939 Adolf Hitler marched his armies into 
Poland, allegedly to wrest the "Corridor" from Polish hands. 
That Corridor connected Poland dismembered at the end 
of the eighteenth century and resurrected after World War 
I-with the Baltic, thus affording her a maritime outlet. In 
establishing the Corridor, however, Germany had been sev- 
ered. And now Hitler was to eliminate the Corridor and unite 

Great Britain and France, which had mutual-assistance 
pacts with Poland, declared war on Hitler. The German 
"strong man" was becoming too strong, dangerous to the 
European balance of power which the two great western 
nations had undertaken to uphold. The Nazi armor made 
short shrift of Poland. For a year, however, the western 
front remained quiet. This was the "sit-down war." Then 
the Nazi armies, turned westward, and France was defeated 
in a matter of days. Britain's expeditionary force, never very 
large, was successfully evacuated from the Continent, and 



Europe belonged to Hitler. Now the Germans' air armadas 
launched their devastating campaign on the United Kingdom, 
and the Battle of Britain was on. How long would the little 
island be able to resist the pressure of the presumed supermen 
of the Third Reich? 

The web of railway lines which crisscrossed Camden Town 
and much of the rest of the borough of St. Pancras was a 
nerve center of Britain. The terminal station of the Great 
Northern Railway was there, as were those of the Midland 
Railway and the London and North-Western Railway. Be- 
cause of this, St. Pancras was exposed to heavy enemy attacks. 
Krishna Menon, as one of the three wartime municipal coun- 
cilors of St. Pancras, was vitally concerned with civil defense, 
and appears to have served diligently and well in this capacity. 
But the rigors of the Battle of Britain never really obscured 
his central preoccupation. He was equally concerned with 
the Battle of India. He had his lines of communications with 
Pandit Nehru. "War and India," Nehru asked in one of his 
numerous wartime publications, "what are we to do?" 

The Simon Commission, which had inquired into the situ- 
ation of India, had not come up with a solution acceptable 
to the people of India. Again there were the great problems 
the communal question between the Hindus and Moslems; the 
question of the hundreds of princely states; and, above all, 
the insistence of the British government on not relinquishing 
its hold on some of the most important departments of the 
federal administration. However, the provinces of British 
India were now accorded very extensive home rule rights, 
and most of them were manned by Congress governments. 

The British government had committed a very grave blun- 
der, from the point of view of India, at the beginning of the 
war. Without consulting representative Indian political or- 


ganizations, it had declared war on the Axis powers, in the 
name of subcontinent, too. "That was a slight hard to get 
over, for it signified that imperialism functioned as before.' 7 

Germany and Japan, the two pivots of the Axis, seemed to 
be invincible. All the powers of hell were let loose as the 
Nazis began spurting eastward, and the Japanese westward. 
The Third Reich fanned out from Poland, overcoming Soviet 
resistance, attempting to sever the Russians' jugular vein at 
Moscow, to lay its hands on the Caucasian oil wells, and to 
destroy the Soviets' lifeline with the North, centering on 
Leningrad. The Japanese overcame the resistance of all the 
major western powersthe British, French and Dutch grab- 
bing countless islands in the great tropical archipelagoes. 
American forces trying to save the Philippines were over- 

At the rate these two warlike nations were moving, their 
global pincers might soon close, and then the world would 
be in their hands. They needed oil more than anything else, 
to feed and lubricate their modern supermachines of destruc- 
tion. Breaking into the Caucasus in the north, and crashing 
across the Burma-India mountain ramparts, the two nations 
might soon have in their hands the world's largest oil reserves, 
those of the Middle East. 

One of the Indian leaders, former mayor of Calcutta and 
Congress president Subhas Chandra Bose, had formed a 
"Forward Bloc," left India and was heading an Indian puppet 
government in Japanese-held Singapore. Commenting on 
these events in the darkest days of the war, Britain's wartime 
Prime Minister Winston Churchill wrote, "The attitude of 
the Congress Party worsened with the Japanese menace." 

As a matter of fact, there were conflicting trends within 
the Congress Party. Gandhi wanted the policy of non-cooper- 


ation with Britain to be continued. Rajagopalachari held that 
constitutional questions could wait until after the war, and 
that the important thing was to cooperate with Britain, if a 
national government were formed in India. Nehru main- 
tained that although India sympathized with Britain, a free 
India would be much more effective for defense. 

Meanwhile there were more than enough Indian volunteers 
ready to serve in the British forces at home and abroad. An 
Indian army of more than a million was actually in existence 
by 1942, and volunteers poured in on the recruiting centers 
at the rate of fifty thousand a month. 

Indian troops subsequently earned high commendation on 
far-flung battlefronts. They helped liberate Ethiopia from 
the Fascist Blackshirts; fought in the crucial battles of North 
Africa, standing ready to protect the Nile, the Fertile Cres- 
cent of the eastern Mediterranean, and the frontiers of India; 
and participated in the Allied campaign against the "soft 
underbelly of the Axis," in Italy. 

Writing about Indkn troops in the North African cam- 
paign, General Dwight D. Eisenhower noted in his book 
Crusade in Europe: "Montgomery's Eighth Army was very 
colorful and probably the most cosmopolitan army to fight 
in North Africa since Hannibal. It included, in addition to 
English units, Highlanders, New Zealanders, Indians (includ- 
ing Gurkhas, with their kukris long, curved knives with 
which they beheaded their victims ____ )" 

The Labour Monthly 

The organs in which Krishna Menon expressed his views 
on the war situation were the pamphlets of The India League 
and the Labour Monthly. 


That publication was founded in 1921, and has been in 
continuous publication since then. From the beginning to the 
present day its editor has been R. Palme Dutt, onetime editor 
of the Communist Daily Worker for two years before World 
War II, and also an executive member and vice-chairman of 
the Communist Party in Britain. The monthly described itself 
as a "magazine for international labor" which was to "report 
developments of the kbor movement in other countries." 
Judging by its tide, one might gain the impression that it 
is or was connected with the Labour Party, but in fact, it 
has never been so connected. 

The monthly has always paid particularly close attention 
to developments in the Soviet Union always favorably re- 
ported. Reporting on the activities of the magazine, Mr. Dutt 
noted: "From the beginning of 1928 readers of the monthly 
will find one after another of the classic writings of J. V. 

He noted further: "The policy of British imperialism . . . 
was regularly exposed, while document after document was 
printed, giving first-hand information of the international 
labor movement." 

The articles it printed were largely written by Communists 
and pro-Communists: Lenin, Karl Radek, Henri Barbusse, 
Harry Pollitt, the British Communist, and William Z. Foster, 
the late American Communist leader. The monthly also pub- 
lished numerous pamphlets on dialectical materialism and 
Communism; on the Soviet press; on the mobilization of the 
"civilian front" in the Soviet Union during the war. Some 
of the pamphlets contained descriptions of the Communist 
parties in different countries, and studies on Marxism and 


Krishna Menon and the War 

It is perhaps instructive to note that Krishna Menon wrote 
not one word about the war in the Labour Monthly until 
the summer of 1941, when the Germans invaded the Soviet 
Union. Until then, Hitler and Stalin had observed a non- 
aggression pact. 

Then, suddenly, in an article entitled "Freedom's Battle" 
in the August, 1941, issue of the Labour Monthly, Krishna 
Menon wrote: "The embattled ranks of the free Soviet peo- 
ple, their formidable weapons, their impenetrable armour of 
steel, hold in deadly combat the ruthless and aggressive might 
of Nazi imperialism." 

Simultaneously, he lashed out at the British for their hand- 
ling of public opinion in India. He charged them with riding 
roughshod over India, and behaving as if the battle for free- 
dom were their exclusive concern. He also charged that the 
young bloods in the British Indian Civil Service contained 
Fascist elements. But, he warned, Nazi propaganda would 
fall on barren soil in India. The people of India wanted to 
be set free so as to be able to contribute their full share in 
the fight against Fascist tyranny. "Release India!" he de- 
manded. "Release India for freedom's battle!" 

Krishna Menon sounded the keynote of his wartime policy 
in the January, 1942, issue of the Labour Monthly. He warned 
that the British were in a bad way, and needed all the help 
they could get. Why, then, he asked, did they not turn to 
India and try to harness her powerful forces? There was an 
explanation, he asserted. By turning to India the British would 
have to augment her industrial potential, and that they did 
not want to do. There was nothing wrong with this from the 
point of view of the strategic interests of the war, but there 


was a lot wrong with it from the point of view of Britain's 
anticipated postwar interests. The British did not want to 
build up India's industries, he charged, because to do so 
would weaken the stranglehold of their monopolies. 

Therefore, the British employed only a small portion of 
India's contingent of some 150 million adult males. Although 
their maritime losses were enormous, the British were not lay- 
ing the keels of any ships in India. Indeed, he asserted, they 
had built only one vessel there in an entire century. Mean- 
while, the Soviet government was drawing on the manpower 
potential of a vast hinterland and effecting 3 massive industrial 
transfer from the imperiled areas in the west to Soviet Central 

The June, 1942, issue of the same monthly contained an- 
other article by Krishna Menon, in which he charged that 
the British were sabotaging the war effort by their do-nothing 
policy in India. The British were failing to use the only 
effective defense of the subcontinent, which was the whole- 
hearted participation of her people in the war effort. In the 
same way as China and the Soviet Union were shielded by 
the massed levies of their people, India must also be protected. 
And India would do no less if she had a government of her 

The famine in India was yet another topic on which Krishna 
Menon wrote in the Labour Monthly, in the issue of May, 
1943. People in India were dying, Krishna Menon wrote, 
not only in the cities but also in the rural areas, and yet the 
British were exporting food from India. Also, the transport 
system was wholly inadequate, and surplus areas could not 
ship food to the deficiency regions. Food exports from India 
must be stopped, and an all-Indian government formed to 
take matters in hand. 


Enter Franklin D. Roosevelt 

The man from Malabar also had contacts with diplomatic 
circles. India was important for the Allies from more than 
one point of view. She provided excellent manpower, and 
also important raw materials. But the Axis enemy could use 
her in its propaganda war. "Look," Berlin and Tokyo said, 
"the Allies call themselves the 'free world/ What about these 
hundreds of millions of Indians?" Also, how were the free 
countries to face the postwar world, weighted down as they 
were by colonialism? The United States was especially in- 
terested in this issue, having had its own experience with 
colonial rule. 

It was in view of these facts that Jawaharlal Nehru sug- 
gested to Krishna Menon that he see what he could do through 
his contacts to reach the ears of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jo- 
seph Stalin, and Chiang Kai-shek of China, to enroll their 
services in the common war effort by persuading Britain of 
the urgency of the Indian problem. 

Traces of Krishna Menon's efforts on this score fused 
with many other efforts rnay possibly be detected in the 
uncommonly active interest President Roosevelt displayed 
in India. His active interest was aroused when Prime Minister 
Winston Churchill announced that Sir Stafford Cripps would 
carry certain British proposals to India for discussion with 
Indian leaders. Roosevelt sent Churchill a long cable on 
India on March 12, 1942. 

"Of course," he wrote, "this is a subject about which all 
of you good people know far more than I do and I have 
felt much diffidence in making any suggestions concerning it." 

He had tried, he wrote, to consider it from the point of 
view of history, and had gone back to the inception of the 


United States government with the hope that this might pro- 
vide some new thoughts regarding India. 

The thirteen colonies, he continued, had set themselves up 
as separate sovereignties during the American Revolution, 
under a temporary government with a Continental Congress 
which he described as a "body of ill-defined powers and large 
inefficiencies. Following the war, a stopgap government was 
formed under the Articles of Confederation and this con- 
tinued until real union was achieved under the Constitution." 

Roosevelt suggested a somewhat similar process for India: 
the setting up of a government to be headed by a small group 
of representatives of diff erent religions and areas, occupations 
and castes. It would be representative of the existing British 
provinces and of the Council of the Princes. It would be rec- 
ognized as the temporary Dominion Government. This group 
would then be charged with the duty of considering the 
structure of the permanent government of India. In the mean- 
time, it would exercise executive and administrative authority 
over public services, such as finances, railways and telegraphs. 
"This is, of course, none of my business," Roosevelt added, 
"and for the love of heaven do not bring me into this, though 
I want to be of help." 

Commenting on this letter, Robert Sherwood remarked in 
his book Roosevelt and Hopkins, "It is probable that the only 
part of the cable with which Churchill agreed was Roosevelt's 
admission that 'this is none of my business.' " 

Harry Hopkins, the President's alter ego, remarked sub- 
sequently that he did not think any suggestion from Roosevelt 
to Churchill in the entire war period was so wrathfully re- 
ceived as the one relating to the solution of the Indian prob- 


Sir Stafford Comes and Goes 

It looked early in 1942 as if Britain needed all the friends 
she could get, during a war in which the enemy forces ap- 
peared to have a tremendous preponderance. It was political 
wisdom, therefore, to make friends with India. With this in 
mind, the government of Mr. Churchill decided to make a 
new offer to the people of India. It was Sir Stafford Cripps, 
close friend of The India League, whom Churchill dispatched 
to New Delhi to break the deadlock. Cripps carried on nego- 
tiations with the Congress Party, the Moslem League and 
other corporate bodies and individuals. This was Sir Stafford's 

India was to become a Dominion, linked to the United 
Kingdom and the other Dominions "by a common allegiance 
to the crown but equal to them in every respect, in no way 
subordinate in any aspect of its domestic and external affairs." 
The status of India was to be similar to that of Canada: 
complete independence within the empire. However, India 
had problems which Canada did not face. She was crowded 
with hundreds of princely states, having special treaty rela- 
tions with Britain. What was to happen with them? The 
Cripps proposals stipulated that no state or Indian province 
should be obliged to join the union. The most important im- 
mediate feature of the proposals was the understanding that 
the viceroy's executive council would become almost entirely 
Indian, and would represent the leading groups in India. But 
it was to operate under the potential veto of the viceroy, 
rather than as a national government. All these arrangements 
were to enter into force only after the war. 

Lord Privy Seal Sir Stafford Cripps cabled to Churchill 
on April u, 1942: 


I have tonight received a long letter from Congress president 
stating that Congress is unable to accept proposals. Rejection on 
widest grounds and not solely on defense issue, although it indi- 
cates that while Congress would agree that commander-in-chief 
should have freedom to control conduct of war and connected 
activities as commander-in-chief and defense member, proposed 
formula left functions of defense member unduly restricted. 
Main ground of rejection is, however, that in the view of Con- 
gress there should be immediately a national government and 
that without constitutional changes there should be definite as- 
surances in conventions which would indicate that the new 
government would function as a free government whose mem- 
bers would act as members of a cabinet in a constitutional 

Sir Stafford Cripps returned to Britain. A fortnight later 
the All-Indian Congress Committee reiterated the line adopted 
by the Working Committee in its negotiations with the Lord 
Privy Seal. It confirmed the stand that it was impossible for 
Congress to "consider any schemes of proposals which retain 
even a partial measure of British control in India." Britain 
must relinquish her hold, 

The Aftermath 

The failure of the Cripps mission was a cause of deep dis- 
appointment to Krishna Menon, because he had expected so 
much from the Lord Privy Seal. He published an India League 
pamphlet about it: An Authoritative Statement on the Break- 
down of the New Delhi Negotiations, written by Nehru. 

"We strongly condemn," Nehru wrote, "the provisions 
of the British proposals that the rulers of the Indian states 
should nominate the representatives of the states to the Con- 
stituent Assembly, thus ignoring the rights of the entire pop- 
ulation of the states." 


He was in strong disagreement also with the provisions 
that would have allowed the rulers to remain outside of the 
proposed Indian Union. 

Now that the negotiations had broken down, what was to 
be the attitude of the Indian leaders in the Congress Party 
toward the Allied war effort? The leadership decided that 
the Japanese, whose forces were now standing on the eastern 
boundaries of India, must be resisted. "We are not going to 
surrender," Nehru wrote. "In spite of all that has happened, 
we are not going to embarrass the British war effort in India. 
The problem for us is how to organize our own." 

The same line was taken in an India League pamphlet, dated 
February, 1943, which Krishna Menon wrote. By that time 
the skies had begun to clear. The Axis armor had met its match 
in North Africa and on the Volga. The turning points were 
in Egypt's western desert, El Alamein, and along Russia's 
"river of sorrow." Shrill-toned Krishna Menon declared that 
this was the most propitious time to demonstrate Allied unity, 
and that friendship between India and Britain would give the 
Allies the final push. Release the political prisoners, he de- 
manded. End repression! Relieve the famine! Withdraw the 
ban on Congress! Cancel the orders for collective fines! Agree 
to the establishment of a provisional government of Indian 
unity! Recognize India's national independence! 

Krishna Menon insisted again and again on Britain's failure 
to draw India into the war. In another League pamphlet, 
The Situation in India, he repeated the charge that the failure 
of the British to make full use of India's resources inhibited 
the chances for the most effective prosecution of the war. 
He accused the British also of misleading the public on that 
score. They were boasting, he said, that they had increased 
the Indian Air Force by a thousand per cent since the out- 


break of the war. They had had one squadron at the begin- 
ning, and had ten now. They also maintained that the size 
of the Royal Navy in India had been increased 70 per cent. 
That navy now consisted of fifty small boats. 

Warm Words for the Soviets 

The India League pamphlets contained increasing praise 
for the Soviet Union, some of which came from the man who 
wore one of the greatest names in India: Rabindranath Ta- 
gore, the Nobel Prize-winning writer. The speeches delivered 
at the meeting commemorating his eightieth birthday were 
reprinted in one of the pamphlets. 

Tagore spoke with great warmth of Soviet life: "I have 
been privileged to witness the unstinted energy with which 
Soviet Russia was trying to right disease and illiteracy. Her 
industry and application have helped Soviet Russia, steadily 
liquidating ignorance, poverty and abject humiliation from 
the face of the vast continent. Her people do not observe any 
distinction between one class and another. . . ." 

The titular head of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Kalinin, 
chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, also found 
his way into the publications put out by The India League. 
The Caucasus Defends India was the title of his piece, culled 
from the Soviet press. "The Caucasus," he wrote, "is the most 
enlightening demonstration of the reforming and beneficial 
effect of the Soviet system on the psychology and character 
of the people." 

The United States was a member of the Grand Alliance, 
and its leader, President Roosevelt, was better known to the 
world than "Papa" Kalinin. Yet there is no record of any of 


Roosevelt's statements having ever found their way into the 
publications of The India League. 

The Comrmmal Problem Again 

One of the reasons for the failure of the Cripps mission 
was the perennial communal problem the conflict between 
Hindus and Moslems. Krishna Menon shared the view for a 
time that Cripps himself had become an instrument of Brit- 
ain's traditional policy of divide and rule, and that his pro- 
posals reflected the "Ulster mind" a reference to the part 
of Ireland which the British had retained after having 
granted independence to the rest of the Emerald Isle. 

The Moslem leader was a lean and sallow-faced barrister, 
Mohammed Ali Jinnah. He was jamah (lean) in looks, but 
stout in his ambitions. The time was past now when he had 
worked with the Congress in harmony; he had changed his 
mind about India's future after the 1937 election which saw 
the Congress triumphant. As president of the Moslem League, 
he now advanced the idea that there should be, not one India, 
but two one Hindu, the other Moslem. The name of the 
Moslem part of the subcontinent should be Pakistan. The name 
of the projected country was synthetic; it meant "Land of the 
Pure." The implication was clear. India was impure. But how 
was Pakistan to be carved out of India, since the Moslems did 
not live in contiguous territories? Their main places of settle- 
ments were in the Northwest and the Northeast, a thousand 
miles apart. Let there be two wings in this Land of the Pure, 
Jinnah said. 

The war seemed to have lasted for ages, but now the hori- 
zon was clearing. The tidal wave of Axis triumphs abated, 
and the militarists' juggernauts shifted into reverse. North 


Africa was clear of the Axis, and the Soviets were pushing 
the Germans westward with unrelenting force. In the Pacific, 
too, the fortunes of war were changing. There the United 
States had begun its campaign of island-hopping, securing 
pivotal points while enemy regions in between were starved 
into submission. 

Still, India was facing the postwar period with apprehen- 
sion. Should independence come, what form would it assume? 


"Thy Spirit, Independence, 
Let Me Share" 

Britain Waives the Rules 

BRITAIN LOST World War IL She was, to be sure, a partner in 
the Grand Alliance which crushed the Axis, but she had 
been a senior partner at the outset, and she ended as a junior 
partner. Asia's millions had learned during the war that Brit- 
ain was not invincible . . . nor France . . . nor the Netherlands. 
They had been subdued by Asians, the Japanese* Then along 
came America, the ultimate victor. 

Nationalism the cult of the godlike nation, absolutely sov- 
ereign, infallible, omnipotent was sweeping Asia. It was an 
elemental force, and the masses were ready to rise. Behind 
the mountainous backbone of the continent there was the 
Soviet Unionalmost crushed into a pulp, but finally victori- 
ous. Creating disaffection was its specialty, and Asia might fol- 
low its lead, should the West fail to heed the signals. Britain 
might be able to hold onto her empire for years, but eventually 
she would be thrown out of Ask. Relinquishing her hold on 



the colonies now, she might perhaps salvage the essence of im- 
perial preference a profitable trade. Britain was enlightened 
enough to see the unmistakable signs, and she abruptly re- 
versed her traditional policy. 

Winston Churchill's stature had grown enormously during 
the war. He had already been a legend, but now words were 
beginning to fail even the most ardent eulogists in describ- 
ing his greatness. There was a general election at the end of 
July, 1945. Churchill turned in on the night of the election 
believing, in his own words, "that the British people would 
wish me to continue my work." 

Then came the dawn. 

"I did not wake till nine o'clock and when I went into the 
Map Room [for election returns] the first results had begun 
to come in. ... By noon it was clear that the Socialists would 
have a majority. At luncheon my wife said to me: 'It may 
well be a blessing in disguise/ I replied: c At the moment it 
seems quite effectively disguised.' " 

The Labourites had ridden into power on the crest of a 
smashing victory. In accordance with the traditional practice, 
His Majesty then tendered the seals of office to the leader 
of the Labour Party, the Right Honorable Clement Richard 
Atdee, the former Deputy Prime Minister. His Chancellor 
of the Exchequer was Sir Stafford Cripps. Herbert Stanley 
Morrison became the Leader of the House of Commons and 
Lord President of the Council; Ernest Bevin was given the 
post of Secretary of State for Foreign Affaks. 

The key men were Attlee and Bevin, "conservative" So- 
cialists, and it was they who made a historic decision about 
India. The waiting game was over the old game of promising 
India a future pledge to be implemented at a still more distant 
time. Now, independence was to be India's with no delay. 


If India wished to remain a member of the free association 
of free nations which went by the name of the Common- 
wealth, that was well and good. If, on the other hand, she 
wanted to depart, with no links to the Commonwealth of 
Nations, she was free to do that, too. 

The Labour Party had a safe majority in the House of 
Commons, and could pass the law freeing India. It is the un- 
written law of Britain that the view of the minority shall not 
be ignored on vital issues, and there were some objections to 
the government's projected India policy on the part of some 
die-hard I.CS. people and devoted bearers of the white man's 
burden. But the greater part of the minority supported the 
government's common-sense view by not voting against it. 

There remained, however, that perennial problem, the 
question of the communities. The Congress Party kept in- 
sisting that religion was not a compelling secular interest of 
the citizen of a modern state, but only his private concern. 
It argued that the Congress Party was never meant to be a 
receptacle of the Hindu view alone. It not only had Moslem 
members but also leaders, including Arabian-born Maulana 
Abul Kalam Azad, now an ex-president of Congress. The 
Congress leaders reiterated constantly their stand that India's 
economy was an integrated and natural unit. 

Then there was the other perennial problem, the fate of 
the princely states. What about their treaties with Britain? 
Were they imbued with Indian nationalism, rendering them 
pliable and ready to join an Indian nation? Or had Laski been 
right, and were the pampered princes cursed with feudal 


From Ahmadnag&r to Raisana Hill 

Jawaharlal Nehru was at this time a prisoner in the fort 
of Ahmadnagar, east of Bombay. Now, suddenly, he was 
released on higher orders, so as to enable him to participate 
in the negotiations that were to result in Indian independence. 
The Atdee government was represented by a cabinet mission 
in India entrusted with the task of solving the Hindu-Moslem 
and British Indk vs. princely India impasses. Working as- 
siduously, with the aid of all strata of Indian political opinion, 
it produced a government White Paper which concluded 
that, since India was a natural unit, she should remain united. 
At the same time, the Moslems should be enabled to group 
themselves in those regions where they formed majorities, 
and should be given a large measure of home rule. As to the 
princely states, the British crown would transfer its para- 
mountcy over them to the government of India. 

A wartime hero, Lord Wavell, was the viceroy of India, 
and it fell to him to appoint an All-Indian Executive Council, 
which was to serve as an interim caretaker government. It 
was headed by Jawaharlal Nehru, the former prisoner of 
Ahmadnagar, who was soon to move to New Delhi's Raisana 
Hill, the site of the massive Secretariat of the British govern- 

The Council of St. Pancras Is Surprised 

No member of the borough council of St. Pancras had 
been more conscientious in the discharge of his duties than 
Krishna Menon. He had attended the meetings regularly, 
participated in its discussions, and worked hard on the solu- 
tions of many problems. And now, suddenly, he dropped out 


of sight. Members of the council were to learn that "as 
Nehru goes, so goes Krishna Menon." 

Krishna Menon soon reappeared as a member of the "in- 
terim" government, personal representative of Nehru and 
vice-president of the executive council. Nehru knew the sec- 
retary of The India League in London to be an aggressive 
man, with the right contacts. Soon India would have to es- 
tablish her diplomatic representation abroad, and Krishna 
Menon was the right man to do the preparatory work. 

The United Nations had come into existence the year be- 
fore, its headquarters in the United States. Krishna Menon 
was also a member of India's first independent delegation to 
the General Assembly of the world body, at Lake Success. 

The Moslem League had joined the caretaker government 
in New Delhi. Did this mean that independence was to find 
India united after all? Unfortunately for the Congress, that 
impression turned out to be erroneous* The Moslem League 
representatives in the executive council were perhaps not 
unjustifiably laboring under the impression that they were 
"second-string" men, and they felt unhappy. Relations be- 
tween the Congress Party and the Moslem League became 
strained. Nehru and Krishna Menon might have ameliorated 
the situation; they were not practicing Hindus. But Gandhi 
was, very much so. His was the orthodox way of life, and he 
appeared now the symbol of Indian independence. The aura 
surrounding him put Mohammed AU Jinnah in the shade. 
The constituent assembly was in the making, to draft India's 
basic law, but the Moslem League members could not see 
their way clear to working with the leaders of the Congress 
Party. The League members decided to relinquish their as- 
sembly seats. 

Viscount Mountbatten now repkced Lord Wavell as the 


occupant of the viceregal palace. The British government 
made the final commitment of withdrawing from India. His 
Majesty's government, Mr. Adee declared, would have pre- 
ferred to transfer authority into the keeping of one nation, 
but since this did not appear to be feasible, power was to be 
transferred to two nations India and Pakistan. As to the 
princely states, they were to arrange matters with the two 
successor states. 

Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act. On August 
15, 1947, the sovereignty of Britain in India ceased to exist. 
India and Pakistan were born. 

"Mr. Nehru," Lord Mountbatten told the man who was 
now the Prime Minister of India, "I want you to regard 
me not as the last viceroy winding up the British raj but as 
the first to lead the way to new India." 

The Gods Are AtUrst 

Before the new countries were established, an awesome 
occurrence took place. Propelled by one of those unexplained 
impulses which surge in the hearts of millions of poverty- 
stricken people who have nothing to lose in their "homes," 
millions began to move. They left their mud huts or gutters 
in the alleyways, migrating into India from the region that 
was to become Pakistan, while other hordes traveled in the 
opposite direction. If they were Hindus, they feared the Mos- 
lem rule; and the Moslems regarded the Hindus with equal 
dread. Another large religious group, the Sikhs mainly in 
the Punjab, which was to be divided by the two countries- 
was also uprooted. 

Never had history seen so vast a migration in so short a 
time. How many people were on the move nobody knows 


twelve million, perhaps more. Eventually, the survivors 
became refugees in appallingly crowded slums of indescrib- 
able filth. 

Even more frightful things occurred during the mass mi- 
gration. In an elemental outburst of violence, the migrants- 
Hindus, Moslems and Sikhs began to slaughter one another. 
What was the cause of this outbreak? Mass hysteria, probably, 
induced by uncertainty, despair, fear of one's neighbor, and 
the ruthless rays of the sun. Nobody was able to count the 
dead in this holocaust, and the estimates ranged from one 
hundred thousand to a million. The bloodshed finally ceased 
from sheer exhaustion. 

Could the bloodshed have been avoided? It was the height 
of the monsoon season, always a nerve-racking period, but 
this time at its worst, with the streams swollen and transport 
impeded. Mid-August turned out to be the worst possible date 
for the transfer. Would the slaughter have occurred under 
the serene sky of India's kte autumn, when nature is at its 
best? Unfortunately, we shall never know. 

The Hour of Decision 

The problems of nation-building loomed even larger in 
the wake of this tragedy. India was now fully independent, 
and great decisions had to be made. For many generations 
Britain, the "imperialist," had been India's oppressor. But the 
generosity of the transfer of power was to wash away the 
memory of the past. Was India to sever all her relationships 
with the Commonwealth, or was she to join it? 

"Over the past few years Jawaharlal was turning this 
problem over in his mind" Frank Moraes, the brilliant In- 
dian newspaperman, and Nehru's biographer, wrote "and 


had discussed it with Krishna Menon, whose opinion on mat- 
ters political and constitutional, he was beginning to value 
gready. . . . He [Menon] had an agile, resourceful mind and 
an astute understanding, and his value to Nehru lay in his 
ability to rationalize JawaharlaTs instinctive, often emotional 
ideas. . . . Menon knew that Nehru had been stirred by 
Churchill's offer of an Anglo-French Union when France lay 
mortally stricken. Why could India not remain a member of 
the Commonwealth on the basis of common citizenship, not 
Dominion status? It would entail a two-way traffic and ensure 

Krishna Menon had considered making Britain his perma- 
nent home before heeding Nehru's call to have a hand in the 
construction of independent India. His peculiar love-hate 
attitude toward the British inclined him toward the common- 
citizenship solution. He would have liked to remain both a 
Britisher and an Indian, if this arrangement of double citizen- 
ship could have been worked out. 

It could not. Had the plan taken shape, India would have 
enjoyed a privilege which the other Commonwealth coun- 
tries-such as Canada lacked. She would have had priority 
over all the other members, and this Britain was unable to 

What, then, should be India's relation with the United 
Kingdom? Just everyday relations, with no links to the Com- 
monwealth? Or membership in that organization? Krishna 
Menon was strongly in favor of the latter. "We join the 
Commonwealth," Nehru said, "obviously because we think 
it is beneficial to us and to certain causes in the world that we 
wish to advance. The other countries of the Commonwealth 
want us to remain because it is beneficial to them." 

And so it was decided. 


There were those who wanted to sever all relations with 
the Commonwealth, the very substance of which seemed to 
them tainted with imperialism. The most vociferous propo- 
nents of the plan to "go it alone" were the Communists, whose 
arguments impelled Nehru to say that the Indian Communist 
Party "is the most stupid party among the Communist parties 
of the world." 

What were the advantages of Commonwealth status? There 
were advantages to joining a world-wide organization, dis- 
cussing problems of common interest, sometimes even con- 
certing efforts, learning from one another. Commonwealth 
countries had mutual preferences in trade lower tariffs or 
no tariffs, imperial preferences. They might remain members 
of the "sterling bloc," within which their national currencies 
were more easily interchangeable. And, of course, Common- 
wealth status was expected to confer a measure of prestige 
on new members. 

High Coiwmssioner m London 

Krishna Menon was appointed the High Commissioner of 
India to the Court of St. James in London an ambassadorial 
rank. Subsequently, he received the additional accreditation 
of Ambassador to Eire. Thus the agile-minded would-be 
scholar from the Malabar Coast became His Excellency, the 
highest diplomatic representative of the world's newest in- 
dependent country. 

Befitting his station, the Indian high commissioner's resi- 
dence was established in "Millionaires 7 Row," in Kensington 
Palace Garden. Befitting the importance of the office, Krishna 
Menon furnished it lavishly. The high commissioner's office 
was supplied with all the installations, vehicles, services and 


luxuries which, he felt, life on the highest diplomatic level 
required. Since India had the most varied interests in the 
United Kingdom and the other Commonwealth countries, the 
government in New Dehli provided a large staff and an ade- 
quate budget. 

In this vast establishment Krishna Menon set aside two- 
small rooms for himself as his residence. We are told that 
eighteen hours' work a day was not uncommon for him. He 
still carried no money in his pocket, and refused to spend 
any on himself. He barely touched his salary. We are also- 
told that he retained his shabby flat in Camden Town for a 
time that flat with all the squawking children, and the shriek- 
ing, rumbling trains headed for their nearby terminals. 

His ideological hostility toward Britain was now de- 
prived of a focus on the wane. "For India independence, 
for both of us vistas of opportunity and achievement, material 
and spiritual," he was to say on an anniversary of India's 
declaration of independence. "In India it has ushered in a 
great democracy and set her on the road of large-scale eco- 
nomic and social development, both nationally planned and 
by private initiative. In Britain and India, between our peo- 
ples, there have come about, spontaneously and naturally, 
happy and friendly relations grown out of mutual respect, 
interest and long association." 

As the high commissioner of India in London, Krishna 
Menon confronted a world of problems. There had been 
many ties between Britain and India. How were they to be 
renewed in this new situation? What about the tremendous 
inventories in the government offices, the British establish- 
ments in India, the question of currency and money transfer, 
of the central bank, credit, of the armed services, of the eco- 
nomic infrastructure . . . and countless other items? 


India was now an independent country, but she did not 
want as a result of freedom to be a bankrupt nation. Britain 
had large stakes in India. As far back as 1930, India and 
Ceylon (whose share was slight) had accounted for 14.5 per 
cent of British long-term overseas investments, as compared 
with 10 per cent in 1910. The total capital involved was said 
to be 540 million, a sum larger than the British investment 
in any other area of the world. According to another estimate, 
Britain had a full i billion invested in India in the early 
1930*3, or roughly one-fourth of her total overseas invest- 
ments. During World War II, however, the British financial 
stake in India had declined largely because the New Delhi 
government had paid off several hundred million pounds of 
bonds in British hands. As a result of British war purchases, 
London owed India over i billion. Even so, total British 
investments in India amounted to the equivalent of $i billion 
at the end of the war, according to a very conservative esti- 
mate. It was not in India's interest to have British capital take 

British trade was also very important to India. At the time 
of the outbreak of World War II, the United Kingdom pur- 
chased one-third of India's exports, and the rest of the empire 
1 8. i per cent. As to India's imports, 30.2 per cent came from 
the United Kingdom, and 26.1 per cent from the rest of the 
empire. After the cessation of hostilities, many goods which 
India needed were in short supply; it was a seller's market. 
Still, Krishna Menon could testify that trade relations had 
continued without too much change. If he had any com- 
plaints, it was against some of his own countrymen, rather 
than the English. Some Indians were in a frantic hurry to 
obtain control of foreign interests, and their hurry did not 
promote the cause of independent India. "Greater coopera- 


tion," Krishna Menon said, "might have yielded greater re- 

It was while Krishna Menon was high commissioner in 
London that his country embarked on a significant experiment 
its first Five-Year Plan. Its main object was to raise national 
income and create jobs for millions who were unemployed or 
underemployed. India's per capita annual national income was 
one of the lowest in the world, estimated at about fifty dollars, 
and that took into consideration the vast incomes of the 
nabobs. The Five-Year Plan was to establish priorities in pro- 
duction, eliminate unnecessary frictions and competition, and 
obtain the funds from the national treasury which were unob- 
tainable otherwise. Krishna Menon was concerned with the 
plan peripherally, by way of the cooperation of the British 

By and large he was doing well in London. But not every- 
thing was smooth sailing. For example, there was the famous 
case of the army jeeps. 

His office had entered into a contract to purchase 1,007 
army jeeps. The money was paid in advance to a supplying 
company which was virtually unknown. The jeeps proved to 
be defective. When the details of the transaction leaked out 
to the highly critical Indian press, both Krishna Menon and 
Nehru were attacked with some virulence. An investigating 
commission was appointed which went into every detail of 
the case, and was harsh on the Indian high commissioner, 
charging that the transaction had been poorly handled. The 
trouble was not his interest in money, but his lack of interest. 
He had been signally unbusinesslike in this embarrassing case. 

Fact and Fancy 

His appointment as high commissioner to the United King- 
dom and ambassador to Ireland ended in 1952. At this time 
the standard reference works, such as Who's Who in America, 
which depend for information on the statements of the in- 
dividuals described, contained the following data: "Practiced 
at English bar, also Privy Council, returned to bar, 1952; be- 
came senior counsel Supreme Court of Indk, 1953; elected 
member Council of States (upper house of Indian Parliament), 
1953 ... Visiting professor Osmania University, Hyderabad, 
India, 1953." 

As is so often the case when Krishna Menon describes him- 
self, the words should not be accepted altogether uncritically. 
Some of the activities mentioned represented a certain amount 
of wishful thinking. He continued to be eager to be linked to 
high positions in the realms of law, teaching and government, 
even though he was active in them peripherally, or not at all. 
He wanted, one gathers, to keep his "option" on them. A 
quick look may tell us what these avocations may have meant 
to him. 

The Supreme Court of India does not correspond to the 
highest federal court in the United States. It corresponds to 
the House of Lords sitting as a court, which it does very 
rarely. Its jurisdiction is greatly limited. 

The Council of States sometimes called the Upper House 
has something in common with the British House of Lords* 
but not very much. Its members do not owe their seats to 
hereditary rights, but are citizens of distinction who air their 
views on public affairs; this is their major prerogative. The 
Upper House has the right to submit its recommendations on 



legislative work to the Lower House, which in turn has the 
right to reject the advice. 

Osmania University, which, according to the record, claims 
Krishna Menon as a visiting professor, is a unique school of 
higher learning in Hyderabad. While the academic language 
in other schools was English under the British administration, 
this school, established at the end of the First World War, 
selected Urdu as its language of instruction, and this in spite of 
the fact that other tongues were spoken in the surrounding 
region. Urdu is the most important language of the Moslems 
in the western sector of Pakistan today. Osmania adopted 
Hindi as its official language after independence day. Krishna 
Menon speaks neither Urdu nor Hindi. 

. . . And a Tragic Intermezzo 

The shambling little man with the dothi around his middle 
led an open-air prayer meeting. It was January 30, 1948, and 
the scent of the powdery dust which the western wind had 
wafted from the Punjab into Delhi mingled with the crisp air 
from the North. The little man, Gandhi, told his countrymen 
that he would fast unto death unless the slaughter between 
Hindus and Moslems ended. 

His efforts to save Moslem lives had incensed some fanatic 
Hindus. Mahasabha was the name of the group to which they 
belonged. On this day one of its members stole close to the 
spot where Gandhi was conducting the prayer meeting. The 
man carried a revolver. Raising it, he uttered a fervent prayer 
that his bullets might strike their target. He prayed well. He 
fired three times, and Gandhi collapsed, mortally struck. His 
last words were "He &wra"-Oh, God. 

Horror swept the crowd of worshipers, and the entire 


world. Sir Stafford Cripps, who had tried his hand at solving 
India's problems, expressed the view of many men: "I know 
of no other man of any time . . . who so forcefully and con- 
vincingly demonstrated the power of spirit over material 

And Nehru said: "Friends and comrades, the light has gone 
out of our lives and there is darkness everywhere." 

There was indeed darkness everywhere. Gandhi's prestige 
had held the nation together. What was going to happen 
now? Here was a nation speaking some 845 languages and 
dialects, divided into hundreds of airtight caste compart- 
ments; hundreds of millions of people with diverse back- 
grounds; millions of families with their ancient traditions; a 
nation harassed by famine and plague. Now that the bapu, 
the father, was dead, what was going to happen to the chil- 


To Dwell Together in Unity 

Who Is a Diplomat? 

KRISHNA MENON began to attract attention to himself at the 
seventh session of the U. N. General Assembly, in 1952. Two 
years later he become the chief delegate of his country to the 
assembly, a post he held for six years. In 1957 he became 
India's Minister of Defense, combining that post with his 
work at the United Nations. Even after 1960 he continued 
to represent his country at the General Assembly, on par- 
ticularly important issues. 

For the world at large, Krishna Menon will be judged on 
his record in diplomacy. 

What yardstick should one apply to his diplomatic work, 
or to the work of any diplomat? Are the days past when a 
diplomat was defined as a gentleman whose job it is to lie for 
his country? (It was this type of diplomacy which prompted 
the legendary Prince Talleyrand to exclaim, when hearing 
about the death of a fellow diplomat, "What could have been 
his motive?" This was also the diplomacy which utterly con- 


founded the contemporaries of Prussia's Bismarck, and earned 
him the reputation of taking "unfair advantage" of them be- 
cause, contrary to what was expected of a diplomat, he was 
telling the truth.) 

Diplomacy is no longer considered the art of subterfuge. 
Today the diplomat forfeits the trust not only of his fellow 
diplomats but also of his own conationals if he subjects truth 
to excessive stress. "There is no wisdom like frankness," 
Britain's Disraeli said, and that axiom applies to diplomats as 

Dealing with the most sensitive interests of the most sensi- 
tive organisms nations the diplomat must exhibit the utmost 
tact. He must display a profound intuitive grasp in dealing 
with unexpected situations, lest he allow his adversary to seize 
the initiative. Without appearing submissive or overbearing, 
he must appear to be in full command of his case. He must 
avoid distortion the most dangerous pitfall in his reports to 
his foreign office. Precise he must be, but not pedantic, con- 
vincing but not dogmatic. His words will carve a deeper 
groove if he happens to be a master of the felicitous phrase. 
Even though critical in his approach, he must be constructive 
in principles and details. Life being the art of constant com- 
promise, and diplomacy being one of the nations' most im- 
portant instruments for living together in amity, the diplomat 
must be acquainted with the supreme art of compromise, 
without forsaking basic principles of national interest and 
human ethics. Although unyielding as to basic policies, he 
must be flexible as to means. He must be able to read the 
minds of many people above all, the nebulous thoughts that 
pass for public opinion. 

When observing the diplomat at work, the public must bear 
in mind that the microphone is not his basic tool. Most of his 


constructive work takes place dans les coulisses, as the French 
say behind the scenes, in delegates' lounges and committee 
meetings, even at the dinner table and cocktail parties. How 
does Krishna Menon measure up on this yardstick? 

Krishna Menon on Turtle Bay 

That remarkable architectural phenomenon facing New 
York's East River, along Turtle Bay, illustrates a sky-scraping 
aspiration. International organizations are not good incubators 
of global reputations. Since every nation considers itself the 
last word, the delegate of each country is invested with the 
godlike quality of his nation; since he represents a superhuman 
force endowed with magical powers, the delegate assumes that 
his utterances represent the ultimate in wisdom. Because of 
that, he also thinks that his words have the force to sway the 
world. Since everybody is necessarily the most shining star of 
the cosmos in the international constellation, nobody can 
stand out. 

The United Nations has been in existence for many years 
now. What names do the nations remember, except, possibly, 
those of their own top delegates? Has anybody acquired a 
reputation there as a constructive world statesman? We do 
not mean ephemeral headlines. The fact is that for better or 
worse Krishna Menon's name is better known than those of 
the delegates of most nations. 

One of the reasons for this notoriety is that he represents 
an uncommitted country which also happens to have a tre- 
mendously large population. Were he to say yes consistently 
with one camp, or no with the other, he would attract less 

India is uncommitted because she has little of decisive sub- 


stance to commit. In our day the only definitive force is the 
arsenal of nuclear arms, possession of which is limited to a 
few powers. Commitment on the part of nations lacking these 
weapons is, therefore, not the expression of any sovereign 
power. On the contrary, it is a camouflaged form of subordi- 
nation to the superpowers. 

India believes at least, as her will is interpreted at the pres- 
ent time by Nehru and Krishna Menon that her policy rep- 
resents something new in the history of the world. In the past, 
they would have us believe, there was only the "white club" 
of Western nations, lined up in recent times in two groups. 
They do not want war. Nobody in a civilized world can want 
it. But India's leaders believe that even the most peace-loving 
countries may create conditions which might get out of hand 
at a certain point and inevitably result in a smashup. For fear 
of being pushed into a corner from which there may be no 
exit, a challenged power may make countermoves with fatal 

India believes it is in the interest of the continued existence 
of civilization that there be a buffer zone: the third powers, 
the uncommitted nations. They have not even a tiny portion 
of the physical strength of the big nations, but they do have 
numbers. These numbers counted for little in the past. Tiny 
Britain spoke for all of the vast subcontinent of India, as for 
many other British possessions beyond the seas. But that sit- 
uation is changed now. 

India, being the most populous of these uncommitted coun- 
tries is sure she has a historic mission to perform. Krishna 
Menon summed it up in an article for Envoy, a magazine 
which he founded: "The issue which really faces us is whether 
in this world, the decision of issues by force ... is permissible 


or even possible. There appears to be an increasing awareness, 
though not agreement, that it is not possible." 

As a policy, this is, of course, unexceptionable. How well, 
how consistently and how disinterestedly it has been applied 
is another matter. 

North Korea Lights the Fuse 

In June, 1950, North Korean armed forces surged across 
the 38th parallel, which the great powers had made the divid- 
ing line between North and South Korea. The territory of 
North Korea was under a Communist regime, that of South 
Korea under an anti-Communist one. Promptly the United 
Nations came to the defense of South Korea, whose own sol- 
diers formed the bulk of the army, leavened by American 
divisions and small units from other U. N. members, with the 
supreme command in American hands. 

India was among the first nations to denounce North 
Korean aggression. "It is perfectly clear," Prime Minister 
Nehru declared, "that North Korea launched a full-scale and 
well-planned invasion and this, in the context of the United 
Nations Charter, has already been described as aggression by 
the Security Council." India promptly dispatched an army 
hospital unit to the fighting front. 

The battle lines surged back and forth across the 3 8th paral- 
lel, sweeping all the way up to the northern frontier of Korea, 
the Yalu River, separating Korea from Communist China. At 
this point the Chinese Communists entered the war. Now the 
danger was imminent that the conflict might spread, especially 
if the United Nations were to bomb Chinese installations. 

Eventually it appeared that a truce could be fabricated, if 
the former frontiers between North and South Korea were 


restored. But then a new difficulty arose, and there was the 
danger that the hopes for a truce might colkpse. This time the 
issue was the question of the repatriation of the prisoners of 
war held by both sides. The North Korean and Communist 
Chinese delegates insisted on the mutual return of all prison- 
ers, while the United Nations wanted volunteer repatriation. 
That would have shown up the unpopularity of the Commu- 
nist cause, because many of the Communist prisoners did not 
want to return home. 

The Indian compromise resolution was submitted by 
Krishna Menon. It called for the establishment of a four- 
nation repatriation commission. After ninety days this com- 
mission was to refer prisoners refusing repatriation to a 
political conference for ultimate disposition. If this conference 
failed to render a decision after thirty days, these prisoners 
would be entrusted to the United Nations for disposition. 
The Communists rejected Krishna Menon's plan. They did 
not want the rest of the world to know how many of their 
own soldiers in the hands of the United Nations were refusing 

Krishna Menon tried again, on June 8, 1953. Now he 
recommended that a neutral-nations repatriation commission 
be created, composed of the representatives of Czechoslo- 
vakia, Poland, India, Switzerland and Sweden. The Indian 
member was to serve as chairman. The commission was to 
have the custody of the war prisoners for a ninety-day ex- 
planation period, and then turn over those still unrepatriated 
to a political conference for thirty days. After that, it would 
assist any prisoner who wanted to be sent to a neutral country. 
This recommendation of Krishna Menon's was accepted, and 
the armistice agreement was signed. 

Some critics in the West called Krishna Menon a "f ormula 


manipulator" and said he had deprived the United Nations 
of an important propaganda victory. But the formula worked, 
and the Korean war was over. Nearly 1.5 million South 
Koreans were dead, and the frontier was back virtually where 
it had been when the war began. 

Indochina to the Fore 

France, just like the other European colonial powers, lost 
face during World War II when the Japanese pummeled her 
into a heap. After the war, she suffered again because she 
lacked the strength promptly to reoccupy the regions evacu- 
ated by the Japanese. Meanwhile, there arose in the Vietnam 
area of Indochina an indigenous nationalist-Communist move- 
ment called Vietminh (the abbreviation of the much longer 
Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh Hoi, League for the Inde- 
pendence of Vietnam). The head of this movement was a 
bearded native Communist, Ho Chi-Minh. 

The French finally reoccupied Indochina and then hit upon 
a marvelously poor idea for holding on to it. They installed 
the former emperor of a part of this region as the head of the 
state. The man's name was Bao Dai, and the best that can be 
said of him is that he was unsuccessful. His favorite hangout 
was the casino in Monte Carlo, and he sought to govern his 
country from there. It did not work. 

The Vietminh hit upon a most effective idea in their fight 
against the French. They were short of arms, but long on 
men. So they organized guerrilla forces, small units which 
burst out of nowhere during the night, achieved their aim an 
act of sabotage or an invasion and with the dawn, faded into 
the peaceful landscape, stolid peasants tilling their soil. The 
war went extremely badly for the French. 


John Foster Dulles, the U. S. Secretary of State, sought to 
interest the British in halting the Communists. The risks were 
great, and the chances of the Vietnam brushfire developing 
into a cosmic conflagration great. The British excused them- 

The Vietminh pushed the French forces into a corner in 
the northeast, the fort of Dienbienphu, where they were 
overwhelmed after a siege lasting two months. The German 
mercenaries were good soldiers, and their French officers 
competent, but they were now completely surrounded, cut 
off from the rest of the world. On May 7, 1954, they sur- 

Krishna Menon appeared again offering to solve the Indo- 
china riddle. The decisive conference took place in Geneva. 
"I am an old fool," Krishna Menon told newspapermen upon 
arrival in the Swiss city, "here just as a bystander. Of course, 
if people want to consult me, that would be very nice." 

Soon he was closeted with Britain's Anthony Eden, Amer- 
ica's Walter Bedell Smith, and Communist China's Chou En- 
lai, as well as with France's Pierre Mendes-France. His 
opinion of what the Geneva conference was all about was 
if not everyone's view of the real issues at least characteristic 
of the way he habitually looks at things. "The whole purpose 
of the meeting is," he said, "to see the end of imperialism in 

Again Krishna Menon presented one of his formulas. The 
main provisions of the agreement recommended by Krishna 
Menon were: (i) The iyth parallel was to be the cease-fire 
line in Vietnam, each side being given 300 days for the con- 
centration and withdrawal of troops on its side. (2) Repre- 
sentatives of North and South Vietnam would meet in July, 
1955, to arrange for all- Vietnamese elections. (3) Commu- 


nist troops and guerrillas would evacuate Laos and Cambodia, 
where free elections were to be held in 1955. 

The problem of Vietnam was solved temporarily and 
superficially, at least. Krishna Menon subsequently presided 
over the New Delhi conference of the International Commis- 
sion for Control and Supervision, of which India, Canada and 
Poland were the neutral members. 

The Colombo Plan 

The Marshall Plan in Europe had provided a pattern. Asian 
countries also wanted to get together, draw up their "shop- 
ping lists" and see what aid they could obtain from the richer 
nations. Thus came into existence in 1950 the "Colombo Plan 
for Cooperative Economic Development in South and South- 
east Ask." Krishna Menon had a hand as consultant, adviser 
and jack-of-all-trades in getting the plan started and moving. 
India was one of the main signatories of the plan, in the com- 
pany of Pakistan, Burma, Ceylon, Malaya, Thailand, Indo- 
nesia and others. Six "donor" nations assisted them the 
United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New 
Zealand and Japan. The plan was to help about a quarter of 
the total population of the world. 

Specifically, the plan's objective was to have members assist 
one another, obtaining aid also from the donors for develop- 
ment plans. Members and donors meet annually to discuss 
projects and exchange information. Technical assistance is 
the most common type of inter-regional aid. An Indian 
forestry expert, for instance, may be needed in Ceylon, or 
Pakistan may wish to have the services of construction engi- 
neers for hydroelectric dams. The talents of thousands of 
people have thus been exchanged, and additional thousands 


have been receiving technical training. The donors have pro- 
vided not only technical skills but also funds running into 
hundreds of millions of dollars. Operating loosely, the 
Colombo Plan has made its mark as an imaginative technical- 
assistance device, a far cry from the colonial exploitation of 
former times. 

The Mountain Air of Bandung 

The place was Bandung, in the Republic of Indonesia the 
former Netherlands East Indies encircled by tall mountains 
with their steplike, terraced fields, in a country of jungles and 
waterfalls, rising out of the Priangan plateau of the tropical 
island of Java. The time was the spring of 1955. The attractive 
mountain town was playing host to the first great Afro-Asian 
conference. At Bandung were gathered representatives of 
countries which had had their fights with the "big beasts" of 
the West but were independent now, and eager to exert 
greater weight by making their influence felt. The prime 
ministers of India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Burma and Indonesia 
formed the sponsoring committee, joined by representatives 
of twenty-four other nations, extending from the farthest end 
of Asia to the farthest end of Africa. 

Krishna Menon had a hand in the formulation of the final 
communique at the end of the conference. It gave anxious 
thought to the problem of peace, and expressed concern about 
the contemporary international tension, rendered more 
dangerous by the possibility of atomic war. The communique 
warned governments to cooperate in attempts to reduce arma- 
ments and place nuclear weapons under controls. It affirmed 
the resolution of the conferees to retain their right freely to 
select their political and economic systems, as well as their 


own ways of life, in conformity with the principles expressed 
in the Charter of the United Nations. 

The conferees announced a new Afro-Asian Doctrine, 
which India's spokesmen called Panch Shilathe Five Prin- 
ciples. These were non-aggression; non-interference in other 
countries' domestic affairs; equality; respect for territorial 
integrity and sovereignty; and peaceful coexistence. Com- 
menting on these, the Indian delegation stated: 

In the Bandung Declaration we found the full embodiment 
of these five principles and the addition of elaborations to rein- 
force them. We have reason to feel happy that this conference 
was representative of more than half of the population of the 
world. . . . 

Free from mistrust and fear, with trust and good-will toward 
each other, the nations should practice tolerance, living together 
in peace with one another as good neighbors, developing amica- 
ble cooperation. 

Krishna Menon was to quote Panch Shilathis somewhat 
idealistic formulation of what the uncommitted nations stood 
for in many of his statements in the tall building facing New 
York's Turtle Bay. And the contexts in which he invoked 
Panch Shila were to be of a curiously varied sort. 

The American Airmen 

During the Korean war several American airmen were shot 
down over Communist China and held as "spies." Officially, 
the two countries were not at war. The United States was 
anxious to have the airmen released. Krishna Menon flew to 
Peking after the Bandung conference and engaged in talks 
with the Chinese leaders. After he came out of China he an- 
nounced that at the request of the government of India, the 


Chinese would release four American airmen. Subsequently, 
eleven more were released. A few months later the Chinese 
announced that they were ready to release several American 
civilians held prisoners in their country. After leaving Peking, 
Krishna Menon flew first to London, and then to Washington, 
where he had a conference with President Eisenhower. 

Almost simultaneously, the Secretary-General of the 
United Nations, Dag Hammarskjold, also made efforts to 
have American airmen released. The western press gave him 
most of the credit, and this infuriated Krishna Menon. 

When A. M. Rosenthal, a correspondent of The New 
York Times, asked Krishna Menon a little later why the In- 
dians had not done more to let the world know about their 
contribution toward the freeing of the foreign prisoners held 
by the Communists, Krishna Menon answered: "Well, old 
boy, we are not Americans, you know. We do not have to 
go around boasting and bragging." 


Suez and Hungary 

An Explosion and a Failure 

"DEPRIVE BRITAIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL," an early-twentieth- 
century commentator wrote, "and you have an oversized Ice- 
land." The Suez Canal was a main artery within a lifeline 
encircling the globe and flanked by nodal bases and coaling 
stations. Sever that lifeline at any vital point, and the British 
Empire would bleed to death. 

Britain controlled the Canal in many ways. She was the 
protecting power of Egypt and thus occupied the Canal 
Zone. The government of the United Kingdom controlled 
44 per cent of the stock of the Compagnie Universelle du 
Canal Maritime de Suez, which operated the "ditch." Britain 
was a signatory of the Constantinople Convention of 1888, 
under which the Canal was to be kept open to all traffic in 
peace and war. 

In 1952 a military junta staged a coup which ousted Egypt's 
scapegrace King Farouk and installed a "New Deal" regime 
which came to be dominated by Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser. 


It set out to raise the dismally low living standards of the 
Egyptian fellaheen the peasants living, paradoxically, in one 
of the world's lushest farm areas, the banks and delta of the 
Nile. There was only one hitch, and that was an important 
one: Egypt had experienced a population explosion and her 
arable area was six million acres for a rapidly growing popu- 
lation of twenty-five millions. 

Since the Nile was his country's major resource, Nasser 
proposed to let the river help in the salvation of Egypt. As 
things stood, much of the Nile's treasured water was allowed 
to escape to the sea, to be lost forever. To remedy this was 
conceived the idea of the Aswan High Dam. About it Nasser 
has said: 

For thousands of years the great pyramids of Egypt were the 
foremost engineering marvels of the world. They were to insure 
life after death to the Pharaohs. Tomorrow, the gigantic High 
Dam, more magnificent and seventeen times greater than the 
greatest of pyramids, will provide a higher standard of living for 

This new High Dam close to the existing lower dam at 
Aswan was to be 3 miles wide and 250 feet high, backing 
up the largest man-made lake in Africa: 250 miles long. The 
dam was to have 16 turbines to generate nearly two million 
horsepower of electricity. Also, it was to add two million 
acres to Egypt's arable land. The first estimate of the Egyptian 
government was that this vast project would take 15 years to 
complete and cost $700 million. The United States, Britain 
and the World Bank were to help with the financing. 

In the autumn of 1955, the Cairo government entered into 
an agreement with the Soviet bloc to purchase Soviet weap- 
ons and admit a number of Soviet technicians into Egypt. 
This possible evidence of an entente between Cairo and Mos- 


cow alarmed Washington. In the early summer of 1956, 
Washington announced the withdrawal of American aid from 
the Aswan Dam project. 

President Nasser's reaction to the American move was 
prompt. He announced on July 26, 1956, that the Egyptian 
government was nationalizing the Suez Canal, and that the 
profits from its operation would be used to help build the 
Aswan High Dam. 

The nationalization of the Canal affected mainly France 
and Britain. The English, in particular, reacted to it as the 
United States might have done if the Panama Canal had been 
taken over by the Republic of Panama. The French reaction 
was no less strong. France had special cause to dislike Nasser, 
whom she accused of stirring up trouble in Algeria. The 
United States then took the initiative in trying to settle the 
Suez dispute. And so did Krishna Menon of India. 

The principal conference on this problem met in London. 
Menon attended as the representative of India. From London 
he returned to New Delhi for conferences with Nehru. From 
there he flew to Cairo for talks with Nasser. Then again to 
London, for talks in the Foreign Office. Then Cairo again . . . 
then London . . . then back to New York for the emergency 
meeting of the U. N. Security Council . . . then to New 
Delhi . . . then back to Turtle Bay, this time for the emergency 
meeting of the General Assembly. 

A "users' association" was the proposed solution of the 
United States. It was supported by Britain, France and the 
other large users of the Canal. Egypt would be a member of 
this association, which would take over the prerogatives of 
the old maritime company and operate the Canal. President 
Nasser rejected this proposal. 


Krishna Menon now came forward with another formula, 
which he presented on August 21, 1956: 

India's aim is to shift the Suez situation from conflict to nego- 
tiations. Once they are started we can move to acceptable posi- 
tions. I feel our plan is negotiable with the Egyptians. We have 
not advanced these proposals on behalf of Egypt, and we antici- 
pate a great deal of difficulty on it with the Egyptians, but all 
negotiations are difficult. 

India's proposal to the Suez conference in London recom- 

1. The recognition of the Suez Canal as an integral part of 
Egypt and a waterway of international importance. 

2. Free and uninterrupted navigation for all nations in ac- 
cordance with the Constantinople Convention of 1888. 

3. Full recognition of the interests of the users of the Canal. 

In line with these proposals, Krishna Menon asked that 
"consideration be given, without prejudice to European own- 
ership and operation to the association of international user 
interests with 'The Egyptian Corporation for the Suez 
Canal,' " and that a "consultative body of user interests be 
formed on the basis of geographical representation and inter- 
ests charged with advisory, consultative and liaison func- 

Krishna Menon's proposal was, in effect, to leave the Canal 
in Egypt's hands and attach to it an advisory body of unde- 
fined competence. It immediately was rejected by the western 
countries. The reaction of the West to Krishna Menon's pro- 
posal was reflected in the comments of Anthony Eden, Prime 
Minister at the time. 

"When Egypt first seized the Canal," he wrote, "the In- 
dian government showed some embarrassment, no doubt ac- 


centuated by the fact that Mr. Nehru had been a guest of 
Colonel Nasser in Cairo only a few days before. With the 
passage of time the Indians embarked actively upon a policy 
which, they assured us, was an attempt to reach a compromise 
between two points of view. In effect, their policy meant that 
Nasser must be appeased. Their representative in Cairo, the 
aviatory Mr. Krishna Menon, kept in constant touch with the 
Indian government and freely offered advice to Her Majesty's 
government. The Indians did not believe in setting up an 
international authority with more than advisory powers. This 
would have been entirely ineffective in giving any kind of 
guaranty to the users of the Canal." 
In another context, the British Prime Minister noted: 

The Indian government, for instance, were constantly urging 
a negotiated settlement upon us. ... Meanwhile, Mr. Krishna 
Menon made a number of journeys between Cairo, London and, 
eventually, New York. Her Majesty's government considered 
at length all suggestions put to them by India, but Delhi did not 
share our view of the importance of keeping international agree- 
ments in the interest of all nations, or of the need to restore 
them when broken. 

And again: 

The Indian government were canvassing their scheme, which 
they now put into writing, for attaching an international advi- 
sory body, which would only have vague powers of supervision, 
to the Egyptian nationalized Canal authority. Mr. Menon had 
found ears in Cairo ready to listen to such a proposal, naturally 
enough, for this meant that any effective international cement 
was eliminated. It might be that the Indians had sincerely con- 
vinced themselves that Nasser would not accept the i8-power 
proposals. Certainly, the Indian government had not supported 
them, but this did not seem a sufficient reason why all the eight- 
een powers should, in deference, abandon their position. We had 


already considered Mr. Menon's ideas in London and found no 
substance in them. Thanks to the staunchness of the principal 
users of the canal, he now failed to sway the deliberations of the 
Security Council, but his activities still caused a superficial 

War in the Middle East 

While these moves were being taken, Egypt was involved 
in another conflict this time with Israel. President Nasser, 
making a strong bid for popularity in the Arab world, had 
realized that nothing could gain him more adherents than 
a strong stand against Israel. A harassing guerrilla frontier 
campaign had been launchd against Israel from Egyptian soil. 
Terrorist commandos, called fedayeen, had infiltrated Israel 
and worked havoc there. Israel had retaliated, sometimes with 
compound interest. Egypt, Syria and Jordan Israel's neigh- 
borshad placed their armed forces under the joint command 
of an Egyptian general. During all this time, the Egyptians 
had continued to frustrate Israel's attempts to use the Suez 
Canal for peaceful navigation, and even to gain access to 
Israel's own seaport of Elath, on the Gulf of Aqaba. 

On October 29, 1956, Israel took drastic action to clean out 
the guerrilla nests in the adjacent parts of Egypt. On that 
day Israeli troops swept across the Egyptian border into the 
Sinai Peninsula. They were heading toward the Canal. Again, 
as eight years before, the overwhelming superiority of Israel 
was revealed. Egyptian resistance collapsed, and Nasser's 
troops surrendered by the thousands. 

Then, suddenly, tie Middle Eastern war took an unex- 
pected turn. On October 30, Britain and France called upon 
both Egypt and Israel to withdraw their armed forces to 
positions ten miles east of the Suez Canal. They also called 


upon Egypt to place no impediment in the way of the Anglo- 
French occupation of key Canal points. London and Paris 
took steps to "safeguard peace." Israel accepted the ultima- 
tum; Egypt rejected it. Thereupon Franco-British air forces 
started bombing strategic points along the waterway, as 
well as Cairo and Alexandria airports. Soon they landed their 
forces at the northern end of the Canal. 

Meanwhile, the Soviet Union had taken the side of Egypt, 
announcing that it would send "volunteers" to the fighting 
front unless aggression was halted. The United States felt 
that it could not stand aside in this crisis and allow the Soviets 
to obtain a foothold in a strategic part of the Middle East. 
The situation was particularly dangerous because a clash be- 
tween the two superpowers might lead to war. 

The United States now moved with great dispatch, this 
time following the Afro-Asian line. The Afro-Asian group 
in the General Assembly, of course, called for the immediate 
withdrawal from Egypt of all Israeli, French and British 
forces. India, with other nations of the Afro-Asian bloc, 
sponsored a further resolution in the General Assembly not- 
ing with grave concern that Britain, France, and Israel had 
not yet withdrawn their forces, and urging that they be 
called upon to do so forthwith. Subsequently India contrib- 
uted a contingent to the U. N. force in Egypt. 


Simultaneously with these events, revolution broke out in 
Hungary. The uprising was against that country's Kremlin- 
controlled regime and its Soviet masters. It was a popular 
movement of great momentum, which quickly prevailed over 
the weak-kneed Communist regime. At that point Soviet 


forces entered the land and crashed the revolt with sickening 

The IL N. General Assembly was called into action. In 
a resolution introduced by the United States and approved 
by fifty nations, the assembly deplored the use of force by 
the Soviet Union to crush the Hungarian revolt. It asked the 
Soviet government to withdraw its forces without deky. 

Mr. Nehru spoke on the Hungarian issue at New Delhi 
several times. He somehow found it possible to say that 
whereas in Egypt "every single thing that had happened was 
clear as daylight," he could not follow the "very confusing 
situation" in Hungary. He then proceeded to read the excuses 
which Marshal Nikolai Bulganin had sent him from Moscow 
in connection with the Soviet intervention, and which Nehru 
unblushingly described as "facts." 

When the resolution calling upon the Soviets to withdraw 
from Hungary came up in the General Assembly, Krishna 
Menon voted against it, maintaining that the United Nations 
lacked competence in the matter, since it was the internal 
affair of a country, a "civil conflict." He also appeared on a 
television program on which he maintained the same stand. 
The public reaction in the western world was one of outrage, 
and New Delhi ultimately reversed itself on the resolution. 
However, its dispatch reached New York after the vote had 
been taken. 

Later, Mr. Nehru tended to link the Hungarian uprising 
and the Suez incident. "It was a great misfortune," he said in 
the House of the People in New Delhi "that this [revolution] 
coincided with the Anglo-French intervention in Egypt be- 
cause both these things coming together raised the tempo 
of the world situation and the temperature was high, no 
doubt. There was great fear in the minds of many people 


and governments that war was corning. Because of that, many 
things were done which, perhaps, normally should not have 
been done." 

But it is clear that, at the time, neither Nehru nor Menon 
was nearly as concerned with Hungary as they were with 
Suez. The Suez crisis had, superficially at least, some of the 
aspects of the kind of colonial struggle with which they 
were both so familiar. The Hungarian situation, on the other 
hand, corresponded to none of their mental stereotypes, and 
failed to evoke a similar emotional reaction. That the Russian 
intervention in Hungary might be imperialism in a new guise 
does not seem to have occurred to them or at any rate, to 
have interested them. 


Diplomacy and the Man 

"Disarm or Perish" 

DELEGATES COME and delegates go, but Krishna Menon re- 
mains. He first appeared in the U. N. General Assembly in 
1946; then, regularly from 1954 until 1960; and he has filled 
many special assignments since. No other delegate has lasted 
as long. 

His diplomatic record is long and varied, but two recur- 
rent themes stand out. One blended of enlightened self-in- 
terest and an assertion of India's claim to spiritual leadership 
is his intense interest in finding a workable plan for general 
disarmament. The other, perhaps even closer to his heart, is 
his preoccupation with destroying the last vestiges of old- 
style imperialism. Let us examine Krishna Menon's record 
on these issues. 

When he became the Minister of Defense for India in 1957, 
he continued to be a U. N. delegate and, paradoxically, was 
his country's chief spokesman for disarmament. This Minister 
of Defense long had the reputation of being a pacifistin 
theory, if not always in practice. 


"War itself" Krishna Menon said in one of his marathon 
statements to the United Nations". . . is somewhere about 
6,000 years old. I do not know why they [the historians] 
left out the 600,000 years before. There have always been 
wars since there have been people. . . . But we have at last 
come to the time when civilized humanity does not regard 
them as inevitable. . . . Either man will abolish war or war 
will abolish man. . . ." 

His statement to the iop4th meeting of the Committee on 
Disarmament covers 81 printed pages, which summarize his 
thoughts on the subject, his criticism of other plans and his 
penchant for framing proposals. His words contain some 
theory, some popular history, many presumed witticisms and 
a lot of sarcasm. Also many shaky sentences and meanderings 
in dark jungles of verbiage. 

Every disarmament plan offered by either side he quotes 
a Carnegie Endowment report as saying contains sets of 
proposals calculated to have wide popular appeal, and every 
plan includes at least one feature which the other side could 
not possibly accept, thus forcing its rejection. The proposer 
is able to claim that the rejecter is opposed to the idea of 
disarmament in toto. This procedure is known as "disarma- 
ment gamesmanship." The Soviet Union is better at it than 
the United States, Britain or France: it opposes more things. 

The ravages of modern war have been discussed in a publi- 
cation he has read, he says. The authors spoke about megatons 
of nuclear power millions of tons. They also spoke about 
mega-corpses. "Sixty mega-corpses mean sixty million lives. 
When humanity has reached this point of viewing things then 
the time had come to call a halt." 

Then, there is the "mh country problem," a potential way 
of entry into the nuclear club. "It is regarded as a great dis- 


tinction to have a little bomb so that one may go about boast- 
ing: I've also got a bomb.' " 

Many proposals to escape the impasse have been made by 
presumed neutralists, and Krishna Menon has endorsed some 
of them. 

There was the recommendation of Kwame Nkrumah, 
President of Ghana, to the effect that Africa should be re- 
garded as an atom-free zone (France's nuclear bomb ex- 
plosions aroused Krishna Menon as they did the Ghanaian 
head of state) . Krishna Menon also endorsed the recommen- 
dation of Cambodia's Norodom Sihanouk that a portion of 
Asia should constitute a zone free from the operations of 
the cold war. He also welcomed the proposals put forward 
by the Polish representative with regard to atom-free zones 
and zones of disarmament. 

But a limitation of armaments is not sufficient, Krishna 
Menon has kept on insisting. "We cannot achieve our goal, 
we cannot accomplish what is required to guarantee the sur- 
vival of this world merely by the limitation of armaments. 
Therefore to us a 'general and complete disarmament' means 
just what it says. ... It is insufficient to agree only to partial 
measures and phases with the final details to be decided after 
the agreement. . . . My government yields to no one in stat- 
ing, without any reservations whatsoever, that the imple- 
mentation of disarmament requires full inspection and 
control. . . ." 

By and large, his stand on this issue coincides with that 
of the West, and is opposed to that of the Soviet bloc. There 
is no sense even in planning for such a war, he says, for a 
World War in. "In the present state of scientific develop- 
ment, the destruction and chaos would be so great within 


a few hours that the war could not continue in an organized 


And so he has continued probing in the darkest parts of 
the woods of international life, coming up with "compromise 
solutions," as, for instance, in the spring of 1962 at the peren- 
nial Geneva disarmament conference. Let there be set up in 
the non-committed countries, he proposed, a chain of de- 
tecting stations to monitor tests. The suggestion was brushed 
aside by the United States and Britain, and the Soviet Union 
failed even to react. 

Later he came up with yet another well-meaning, but even 
more impractical, new twist on how disarmament could be 
achieved. The day is not far off , he said, when scientists and 
not their employers will be held responsible for the produc- 
tion of weapons of destruction. This check should be exer- 
cised by "learned societies," concomitantly with the growth 
of professional ethics. This proposal, too, was almost uni- 
versally ignored. 

In all of Krishna Menon's proposals, and in all the proposals 
he favors, there appears to be one basic assumption: that the 
great nuclear powers are incapable of advancing a workable 
disarmament plan and would be incapable of administering 
and policing such a plan even if one were found. The only 
hope lies with a plan originated and administered by one or 
more of the uncommitted nations. 

There are several possible objections to this proposition. 
If the great powers are reluctant to jeopardize their military 
security by accepting plans advanced by their opposite num- 
bers, would they really be much more inclined to accept 
plans advanced by "uncommitted" third parties? Could they 
trust the third parties to remain uncommitted, if, indeed, 
they are so now? And could they be sure that the third 


parties would be technically capable of exercising the kind 
of control necessary to make honest disarmament a reality? 

Some critics of Krishna Menon's disarmament proposals 
insist that they are not unmixed with self-interest. The un- 
committed nations, and especially India, have long sought 
to claim a kind of moral leadership in international affairs, to 
exercise a spiritual balance of power between the West and 
the Communist bloc. This role of balancer between the So- 
viets and the West could have considerable practical political 
advantages, and the administration or even the formulation 
of a workable international disarmament plan could do 
much to make that role a reality. 

But whether or not some self-interest is involved in Krishna 
Menon's approach to disarmament is rather beside the point. 
Most people do favor some form of disarmament compatible 
with their own safety. And in the last analysis there is no 
reason to doubt Krishna Menon's sincerity when he says: 
"Either we disarm, or we perish." 

"This Is the Forest Primeval? 

Few events in Africa's recent history have aroused India's 
articulate opinion as much as developments in the former 
Belgian Congo. New Delhi hailed the decision of the Brussels 
government in the summer of 1960 to give the Congo her 
independence. And then events began to break. 

In preparation for national elections, about 200 political 
"parties" appeared on the scene. Most of them dropped out 
of sight promptly, but a score remained. The largest number 
of seats was gained by the Mouvement National Congolais, 
headed by a left-wing ex-post office clerk, Patrice Lumumba, 
who became Prime Minister. The President of the country 


was Joseph Kasavubu, head of the Abako party and Lumum- 
ba's bitter enemy. 

Disorders occurred all over the country. Allegedly, Bel- 
gians were attacked, and many of them left Africa in panic. 
Belgium thereupon decided to fly her own troops into her 
former colony to protect Belgian nationals. To help restore 
order, Lumumba asked the United Nations to dispatch mili- 
tary forces. By this rime the feud between Lumumba and 
Kasavubu had assumed the aspect of civil war. 

The province of Katanga now proclaimed its secession 
from the Congo Republic, and its Premier, Moise Tshombe, 
asked Belgium to send more troops, presumably against Lu- 
mumba. Katanga is endowed with rich mineral resources 
such as cobalt, uranium and diamonds. The Union Miniere du 
Haut-Katanga, a giant in the mining field, had the reputation 
of having the province in its pocket. Katanga was reputed to 
pay enough taxes to support the entire Congo. 

President Kasavubu gained the upper hand in his struggle 
with Lumumba and had him arrested. Later Lumumba was 
found murdered. Matters were further complicated when the 
commander-in-chief of the new Congolese army, Joseph 
Mobutu, formerly a sergeant in the Belgian colonial service, 
seized the initiative and formed the government. His cabinet 
consisted of fifteen young men, some of them barely literate. 
The Congolese army became demoralized and unruly; vio- 
lence and looting were followed by conflicts with the U. N. 
forces. Not only did Indian troops form a part of the U. N. 
contingent, but it was an Indian, Rajeshwar Daval, who served 
as the representative of the United Nations. 

Speaking in the United Nations, Krishna Menon charged 
that Mobutu was a Belgian stooge and that Belgium's with- 
drawal from the Congo had been a transparent ruse to give 


the impression she was withdrawing in good faith, while in 
reality she was fomenting trouble so as to provide a pretext 
for her return. 

"The members of this Congolese army" Krishna Menon 
said "are gangsters a gang of murderers who have commit- 
ted havoc and heaped indignities upon the people. Those 
among them who are decent should be enlisted in the United 
Nations force, made to drive trucks and do similar work. 
The rest of them should be disarmed and confined to bar- 

The province of Katanga charged that the Indians in the 
Congo were violating the United Nations Charter. 

Krishna Menon retorted: 

We are not a country that keeps on crying out for the use 
of force, nor one that tramples the law underfoot. As you are, 
no doubt, aware, we are proud of our sovereignty, and we shall 
guard it against all intruders. . . . We are seeking to support 
measures which could enable this great land of Africa to come 
into its own, after ages of servitude. It is we, the people of Asia, 
who are deeply grieved by what is going on here. 

The Congo crisis is still far from settled, nor have its issues 
become less complex. Krishna Menon's attitude toward the 
situation remains unchanged. First and foremost, he wants 
the Belgians completely out of the Congo. He persists in be- 
lieving that the Katangan secessionists are nothing but run- 
ning dogs of the Belgian imperialists, and for this reason he 
refuses to regard the struggle between Katanga and the Cen- 
tral Government as an internal affair. The Panch Shila doc- 
trine of non-interference does not, therefore, apply. Should 
the current negotiations between Katanga and the Central 
Government fail to produce a solution, Krishna Menon would 
doubtless favor U. N. pressure to force the Katangans to 


come to terms. And even such a forced settlement would 
probably not satisfy him, for he obviously feels that the 
Central Government is subject to undue pressure from the 

"Am I Not a Man and a Brother?" 

Of particularly great importance to India and Krishna 
Menon is the Union of South Africa. It was there that Ma- 
hatma Gandhi made his name known, fighting discrimination 
against the sons of India. There are hundreds of thousands 
of Indians in the Union (which, since having left the Com- 
monwealth of Nations, has changed its name to the Republic 
of South Africa). The policy of apartheid virtually com- 
plete segregation of the races, and the treatment of the dark- 
skinned majority as subhumans has riled Krishna Menon, 
as well as other Indians. Adjacent to the Republic is South- 
West Africa, a German colony before World War I, a man- 
date between the two wars, and a presumed trusteeship terri- 
tory since World War II. However, South Africa has cold- 
shouldered the United Nations, assuming full administrative 
power in the southern part (known as the "police zone") 
and placing the northern section, one of the most primitive 
regions in the world, out of bounds to whites. When the 
world body sought to exercise its authority in this region, 
South Africa walked out. In the face of the inflexible stand 
of South Africa, the United Nations could not do much 
except discuss the case and pass resolutions. Krishna Menon 
played prominent roles in these discussions, addressing the 
Good Offices Committee on South- West Africa, and also the 
Trusteeship Committee, in the autumns of 1958 and 1959. 

"The whole of this conception [of the sacred trust of the 


guiding powers]," he said, "stands convicted today in the 
name of the people of South-West Africa. [The Union] 
stands convicted in the name of what we call the Declaration 
of Human Rights. And we are asked to hand over these people 
to a country which has practised apartheid and glorifies it; 
which tells the world without shame that this is the pattern 
you should follow in order to solve the racial problems of 
the world. . . ." 

Then, with tongue in cheek: 

To South Africa we owe a great debt of gratitude because it 
nourished the great Gandhiji in his earlier days and gave him the 
field it did not give him, he found it for his experiments, and 
for the development of that great personality that brought about 
the liberation of our country and gave the world the gospel of 
reconciliation and the resolution of conflicts through non-vio- 
lent means. 

"Infinite Wrath and Infinite Despair" 

Few international problems of modern times appeared to 
be as hopeless of solution as that of the sun-drenched island 
of Cyprus, in the eastern Mediterranean, almost within sight 
of the Arabs' Levantine coast. Proudly, the majority of the 
islanders proclaimed themselves Greeks, while, no less 
proudly, a minority of about one-fifth of them called them- 
selves Turks. And Greeks and Turks, as all the world knows, 
have been traditional foes. 

The Turks took the Greek-speaking island centuries ago 
and held it until it passed to the British crown at the end of 
the last century. The British turned it into one of the bul- 
warks along their imperial lifeline. 

As the "nationality revolution" swept the world, the Greek 


inhabitants of Cyprus clamored for enosis, union with Greece. 
The Turkish inhabitants, on the other hand, dreaded such a 
union. They wanted British rule to continue, seeing the 
English as umpires and the pillars of the island's laws. Failing 
the maintenance of the status quo, they favored taksim y a 
separate entity for their Turkish institutions. As neighbors' 
hands were raised against neighbors, violence erupted on the 

On several occasions Krishna Menon addressed himself 
to this question, most significantly on December 2, 1958, 
before the First Committee of the General Assembly of the 
United Nations. His stand was directed against enosis and 
also against taksim. He must have had the sorry spectacle 
of the division of the Indian subcontinent in mind. He em- 
phasized the point that the British and French got along 
together in Canada, and he saw no reason why their example 
should not be applied to Cyprus. He favored independence 
for the island, with special arrangements providing satisfac- 
tion for the desires of the Turkish minority. Much blood was 
shed on the island before the final solution was reached. 
Krishna Menon's recommendation was shared by other 
United Nations members, and that was the solution the parties 
to the dispute adopted. 

Les Pieds Noirs 

The United Nations tackled the problem of Algeria many 
times, and so did Krishna Menon, speaking on behalf of In- 
dia. Here was a large North African land, on the southern 
shores of the Mediterranean, right across from France. Nine- 
tenths of its people were Moslems who wanted to have a 
free Algeria. The rest were non-Moslems, who proudly 


called themselves pieds noirsbhck feetbecause of the soil 
they tilled. Many of these wanted Algerie franfaise. Some 
of them were rich landowners, colons, who had much at 

The Algerian Moslem elite had acquired its way of life 
from France. Part of this way of life was the full develop- 
ment of one's gifts a part the Moslems now claimed for 
themselves. "Backward" peoples nearly everywhere had 
gained their freedom, and the Algerians, exposed to the in- 
fluence of the West, saw no reason why they should be de- 
prived of what many of them considered their birthright. 
The two sides came to grips in one of the bloodiest conflicts 
in recent history. It claimed hundreds of thousands of vic- 
tims, the majority of them Moslems. It was a bitter war of 
attrition. The French had the superior arms and armies; the 
native Moslems, the topographical advantage and a tearing 
resentment. They developed the guerrilla tactics which the 
Vietnamese had tried with success fighting at night, and 
then fading into the daylight as peaceful peasants attending 
to their serene occupations. 

This was typically the kind of situation which aroused 
Krishna Menon to make slashing attacks on "imperialism": 

I want to say without any reservation, that the imperialist and 
non-imperialist countries which are members of the North At- 
lantic Treaty Organization must have the blood of the Algerian 
people on their consciences because it is NATO, its vast moral 
and material resources made available to France as indeed to Bel- 
gium, Portugal and other countries which is responsible for the 
colonial exploitation of Africa and Asia at the same time. The 
time has come to mince no words in this matter. While register- 
ing its objections to military blocs, my country has at all times 
kept away from detailed criticism of the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization But now the position is such that the arms, the 


airplanes, the bombs and the moral support of NATO enable 
France to suppress the Algerian people. . . . 

This equation of NATO with imperialism struck a good 
many Western observers as unfair, but it was neither untyp- 
ical nor entirely unexpected. 

The eventual liberation of Algeria must have been a source 
of immense gratification to Krishna Menon. One more bitter 
struggle with imperialism had been successfully concluded. 
And the preceding few years had seen the liberation of a 
host of former African colonies. Immense strides had been 
made in the realization of the spirit of Bandung. 

It was doubly ironic, therefore, that well before the liber- 
ation of Algeria, India herself had several times been accused 
of imperialistic behavior. One such instance was the case 
of Kashmir. 


In the Vale of Conflicts Kashmir 

"Darker Grows the Valley" 

LEANING AGAINST the tallest mountains in the world, the cloud- 
piercing dorsal column of Ask, the very name of Kashmir 
exudes the fragrance of grass-carpeted, flower-strewn beauty. 
Besides being beautiful, it is also saturated with conflicts. 
It was not just one of the hundreds of princely states when 
independence came, but the largest of diem larger, indeed, 
than many European nations. Also, it was adjacent to both 
India and Pakistan, the neighbor of China and Afghanistan, a 
few miles from the Soviet Union. The vast majority of the 
population was Moslem, while the ruler was a Hindu. 

Maharajah Sir Hari Singh had been at the helm of Kash- 
mir for twenty-two years. At the time of the creation of 
independent India and Pakistan, he was neither particularly 
competent nor popular, as a Hindu master of a Moslem peo- 
ple. His country was not imbedded in either of the successor 
states, thereby necessitating his adhesion to one or the other. 
Kashmir was "out of this world," and he thought he could 
retain the throne of his country because of its location. 


Then events began to break nobody knows precisely how. 
One version says that the Dogras, one of the "martial" Hindu 
groups in the valley, began to pounce upon the Moslems, 
and that, hearing of this, Moslem tribesmen started to stream 
across the passes from Pakistan, encouraged by their govern- 
ment. These Moslems launched a jihad (holy war) against the 
Hindus. Another version is that Moslem tribesmen, unpro- 
voked but abetted by Pakistan, streamed into the State in the 
name of Islamic brotherhood. This is what Robert Trumbull, 
correspondent of The New York Times, wrote (in his book 
As I See India) : 

The Pakistan government has steadfastly denied any official 
encouragement to the tribes in the invasion of Kashmir. . . . But 
there never was any doubt that Pakistani provincial authorities, 
perhaps unofficially, but certainly not without the knowledge 
of Karachi, supplied the bloodthirsty tribal 'lashkers, (war 
parties), with truck transport. And Pakistani officers, alleged to 
be 'on leave,' led the contingents 

The maharajah realized that if he were to hold out any 
longer he would be swamped by the Moslems, whom hea 
Hindu detested and feared. There was only one move he 
could make, and that he did. In accordance with the prevail- 
ing agreement on accession, on October 26, 1947, he acceded 
to India. Thereupon the Indian government started dispatch- 
ing troops to Kashmir to halt the Pakistani invasion. Since 
there were no permanent, all-weather roads between India 
and Kashmir in those days, the troops were sent in by air- 
drops. The Indians arrived just in time to halt the Moslems 
some miles outside of Srinagar, the capital, in the Vale of 
Kashmir. The more mountainous, western, part of the state 
remained in Moslem hands. 

At that point Hari Singh dropped out of the picture, ab- 


dicating in favor of his son, Yuvray Karan Singh. The father 
became an emigre in Bombay, where he died several years 
later. Renouncing the tide of maharajah under New Delhi's 
prodding, the son retained a part of the privy purse, and for 
a time, the empty title of Sa dr-1 Riyasat, Head of State. About 
one-fourth of the population of Kashmir remained in Azad 
(Free) Kashmir, under Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim, who 
wanted the region to be united with Pakistan. 

If India had let matters rest at that point she would have 
had a stronger claim on Kashmir, but instead she lodged a 
complaint against Pakistan with the U. N. Security Council. 
It recommended the appointment of a commission of five who 
would supervise the withdrawal of the invading tribesmen, 
after which the Indian government would be called upon 
to reduce her army of occupation. Then machinery would 
be set up to conduct a plebiscite under the auspices of the 
United Nations. The resolution was first adopted in 1949 
and reiterated several times. 

But then India claimed that since Pakistan had failed to 
withdraw her troops, the plebiscite was out of order. She 
unilaterally incorporated Kashmir into India in 1957. She 
argued that a plebiscite was now no longer necessary, because 
three elections had been held in the territory and these were 
equivalent to plebiscites. 

Early in May, 1962, Pakistan presented her case anew to 
the United Nations. Her delegate, Mohammed Zafrolla Khan, 
urged that India allow a plebiscite to ascertain the people's 
will. He suggested, too, that the president of the Security 
Council approach the two nations involved in the controversy 
via informal conferences, so as to find a way to end the old 
dispute. Pakistan was ready to accept arbitration by any 
"recognized international figure of undoubted integrity," he 


said. Also, his country was willing to accept any procedure 
to determine what was holding up progress toward dis- 
armament. If any faults were found, she would seek to rem- 
edy them. 

An Afternoon at the Security Council 

"Kashmir is a situation," Krishna Menon said before leaving 
New Delhi for the U. N. Security Council meeting. "It is 
not a dispute." 

He was Minister of Defense of India, also the specialist on 
the Kashmir "situation." Although not the regular delegate, 
he was to present India's side of the problem. 

Let us observe him on May 2, 1962, in the Security Coun- 
cil chamber on Turtle Bay. It should help us to see how he 
works in the international body his line of thought, his de- 
bating technique and, perhaps, his standing in the international 

The meeting to hear Krishna Menon, the delegate of India, 
on the question of Kashmir was called for three o'clock. Well 
past the appointed hour, the delegates began to drift in, form- 
ing small clusters, engaging in small talk, big talk, perhaps also 
frivolities. They were taking their places at the semicircular 
horseshoe table-the "permanents," the U.S., U.K., U.S.S.R., 
France and Nationalist China. And the "non-permanents": 
Chile, Ghana, Ireland, Rumania, the United Arab Republic 
and Venezuela. In about thirty minutes the eleven members 
were in their seats. 

Krishna Menon was sitting near the door, to the right of 
the presiding officer. Mohammed Zafrulla Khan, a striking 
bearded figure, was facing the president in a center seat. 
Krishna Menon was accompanied by six aides, youngish men, 


one of them a Keralan like himself, the others looking like 
North Indians. They had come from India for this session, 
and would return as soon as it was over. The photographers' 
lenses were focused on Krishna Menon, the best known man 
on the floor, with the exception of the American delegate, 
Adlai E. Stevenson. 

The chairman invited the delegates of India and Pakistan, 
to take their places at the ends of the table, facing each other. 
This was this particular chairman's first appearance during 
the month, his turn to preside in the rotational setup of the 
"Great Powers." He was a Nationalist Chinese. He began the 
proceedings by thanking the delegate of Chile, his predecessor 
in the chairman's seat the month before, for his "constructive" 
handling of the business of the Security Council. The delegate 
from Chile asked for the floor, and modestly disclaimed any 
special merit, thanking the chairman for thanking him. 

Then Zafrulla Khan asked to be heard so as to explain a 
procedural misunderstanding, which he did, consuming half 
an hour. Then it was Krishna Menon's turn to present India's 
case. He started off by saying that his "submission" might 
take four hours. This announcement was received with a 
stifled sigh of resignation. 

He began with the third century before Christ, weaving a 
flimsy history of Kashmir, then skipping quickly and lightly 
to the days of the British Raj. The theory had been advanced, 
he said, that Kashmir should be tied to Pakistan, because most 
of her people were Moslems. But "in our country and in 
any civilized nation it is not religion that qualifies people for 
citizenship." On that issue India could stand her ground. 
She was the third largest Moslem state in the world, after 
Pakistan and Indonesia. India was the home of some sixty 
million Moslems, "as patriotic as the followers of any other 


creed. . . ." The Maharajah of Kashmir had acceded to India 
at the proper time. Had he acceded to Pakistan, India would 
not have demurred, said Krishna Menon. 

A United Nations commission had established the fact, 
he asserted, that aggression existed in Kashmir. And now 
Zafrulla Khan offered no proof of any threats from India, 
nor had Indian sovereignty been questioned by the United 
Nations. That sovereignty flowed originally from the act 
of accession, and now from the fact that India was one in- 
divisible unit, which could not tolerate an act of aggression, 
be it by Pakistan or China. An act of this type "eats into our 
vitals, it is something that disregards our national integrity 
and sits on our economic development and leads to instability 
and unsetdement on our continent." 

There had never been any commitment on the part of 
India to conduct a plebiscite, he said. And what was a pleb- 
iscite, anyway? It was voting, linked to democratic, parlia- 
mentary institutions. But Pakistan herself had neither 
democracy nor a popularly chosen parliament. And now, a 
country which had had no popular elections for fifteen years 
insisted that India, which had had several national elections, 
should submit to a plebiscite. 

Moreover, he charged, Pakistan was backing acts of sabo- 
tage and assassination against India. The Republic of India 
was not going to take the initiative in a war. But if it were 
attacked, it was going to defend itself. He finished his perora- 
tion with a melodramatic flourish. 

The delegation of Pakistan issued a quiet statement in re- 
buttal: "Pakistan claims no special privileges for herself. But 
she does claim the right of self-determination for the people 
of Kashmir. When India denies that right, as she stubbornly 
does, she assumes the classic colonialist position." 


Simultaneously, Prime Minister Nehru charged in the New 
Delhi Council of States that Pakistan was recruiting tribes- 
men for a possible invasion of Kashmir. Such an invasion 
would mean an "all-out war." 

The Security Council met several weeks later. Several mem- 
bers submitted a resolution suggesting that India and Pakistan 
confer on this problem. India asserted that there was nothing 
on which to confer, and the Soviet Union helpfully vetoed 
the resolution. This was the hundredth Soviet veto. 

"In Att Humility" 

Let us observe Krishna Menon's technique while facing 
the Security Council. He was holding a script, which ap- 
parently provided him with his cues. On occasion, a point 
would catch his fancy, and then he would elaborate on it, 
making long detours. Then again, an idea would strike him 
as funny. He would grin, erupting into extemporaneous hu- 
mor which, inevitably, failed to transmit itself to the other 
delegates. Some of them would appear resigned, while others 
looked grim. A fighter, he would make another try, and get 
the same reaction. The third try would trail off into an 
unfinished sentence. 

His discursive methods were not always easy to follow. 
He would launch an argument and then drop it, in favor of 
what must have impressed him as a better one. He was roam- 
ing over a large field, unfinished thoughts lying all over the 
landscape, like so many victims of a war of arguments. What- 
ever initial unity his address may have possessed was disrupted 
by his incessant detours. 

Now and again he would ask an aide to hand him a docu- 
ment. He would read a passage, suddenly ending with "enough 


of this," then turn to another point, without weaving the two 
into any common network. 

He spoke in a clear and ringing voice, not too loud, nor too 
soft, slurring his r's, uttering slightly sibilant s's. He em- 
phasized his points with expressive gestures, waving his mobile 
hands, touching his nose, scratching his neck, wagging an 
admonishing finger. Several times he employed his favorite 
expression "in all humility" but there was no humility in 
what he said. 

The simultaneous translators attempted to keep up, but 
nevertheless fell behind, surrendering at times, leaving great 
gaps, then rushing back in canter, to be swept overboard 
again by the deluge of his words. 

"Fll return to this point later," and again one could sense 
the flutter of resignation. 

And the substance of the presentation? India's case, of 
course, omitting the qualifying clauses, was a lawyer's brief 
sprinkled with pettifogging. The arguments could not have 
stood up in any court of law. If the United Nations had been 
a judicial forum, the advocate of the opponent would have 
had a field day. 

Initially India's case had been fairly good. She had gotten 
the adhesion of the generally recognized head of the Kash- 
mirian state. There had been some kind of invasion from 

Legally, however, India had exposed herself to U. N. reg- 
ulation by submitting the case of Kashmir. This submission 
altered India's legal status, a fact that not even the world's 
best lawyer could have changed. There was nothing else for 
the Indian delegate but to resort to pettifogging devices if 
he was to speak on the issue at all. Perhaps he was hoping the 
other delegates would be impressed. They were not. 


Bleary-eyed, Ambassador Stevenson was floored by a spasm 
of yawning, which he made no attempt to restrain. He had 
heard all of these arguments before, and he was no child to 
believe them. Several other delegates were dozing off, stirring 
awake with a sense of guilt, trying to compensate for their 
lassitude by rustling papers on their desks, doing many things 
but not listening. 

There were people from India in the audience, many of 
them young. They were the ones who were hanging on 
Krishna Menon's words. As he raised his voice in the final 
peroration, the young people's eyes were aflame. Yes, one 
could almost hear their brains thinking, India will defend 

This was something new for India to hear: the voicing of 
their ability to stand up to the world, to utter a defiance. They 
did not notice Krishna Menon's repetitive utterances, the 
chilly atmosphere, the abortive humor, the poor sentence 
structure and the weakness of the argument. The address was 
poor according to the laws of rhetoric, and perhaps more so 
according to the rules of common sense. But it was rich in 
content for the audience for which it was intended: the mil- 
lions at home, whose pulses it set racing when they heard 
about it in the next few days. They were proud of having 
their ringing voice heard, the voice of one of the poorest 
nations sounding out in the richest city in human history. 
When Krishna Menon returned to New Delhi he was ac- 
corded a warm reception. 


China and India 

The Chinese Dragon 

INDIA WAS THE FIRST COUNTRY, after the Soviet Union, to 
recognize Communist China. Krishna Menon never neglected 
to consider China's possible interests in his negotiations about 
Korea and Indochina. Yet China has not been a friendly 
neighbor. The two countries are contiguous over a frontier 
of some twenty-four hundred miles. The border is formed 
by the tallest and most rugged of mountain chains the Kara- 
korum and the Himalayas. The Namcha Barwa peak (25,445 
feet) is the eastern anchor of the border; the western anchor 
is the Godwin Austen (28,250 feet). In between is 29,028- 
foot Mount Everest. India and China meet in the land of 
what the British called the "criminal tribes" of Assam State, 
the North-east Frontier Agency NEF A while in the west 
it is Uttar Pradesh and Kashmir which are contiguous with 
China. India is responsible for the defense of Nepal, Sikkim, 
and Bhutan, the three Himalayan countries. 

India and China have for the last several years engaged in 


bitter arguments about their common frontiers. The conflict 
arises from the fact that the border has never been properly 
surveyed. The British got together with the Chinese and 
Tibetans on this issue just before World War I. Britain, speak- 
ing for India, was represented by Sir Arthur Henry Mac- 
Mahon, foreign secretary to the government of India; Tibet 
was represented by her premier, and China by a plenipotenti- 
ary. The approximate frontier was finally decided upon at 
the hill station of Simla. Because of the place, Indian history 
speaks of the Simla Convention, and in honor of Sir Arthur, 
the frontier is known as the MacMahon Line. 

The might of the British in India had been reflected in the 
fact that whenever there were border disputes with the 
neighbors Afghanistan or China India had got the bigger 
pieces. Now the British were gone but the frontiers remained. 
For several years the Chinese lay low, but then, in 1959, they 
began to stir, claiming large slices of land from India, and 
moving their border posts into the neighbor's land. This 
would have been understandable if the soil had been good 
in the coveted areas. But what could the Chinese, or anybody 
else, do with some of the world's most inaccessible mountains? 
We shall try to see. But first the controversy. 

First, the Chinese sliced off some four thousand square 
miles of Bhutan, on the ground that the British had had no 
claim to that region. Anyway, the British were out, and so 
the land should revert to China. Nehru and Krishna Menon 
showed the Chinese the authentic map, but it made no im- 
pression on Peking. At the other end of India, the Chinese 
handled their neighbor even more roughly. Claiming some 
fifty thousand square miles from India, they actually occu- 
pied, at first, regions estimated at from twelve to fourteen 
thousand. They overwhelmed a mountain post, Tailing sev- 


eral Indian frontier guards. Krishna Menon and Nehru had 
a lot to answer for in the Lok Sabha (House of the People), 
the Indian legislature. Why had they let the Chinese have 
their way? Even the progovernment papers were incensed. 

Krishna Menon had failed also to object to China's brutal 
conquest of Tibet, refusing to vote in favor of the United 
Nations resolution condemning the Chinese action. "What 
is the purpose of the debate?" Krishna Menon asked. "It does 
not help the Tibetans at all." He downgraded the importance 
of the Chinese incursions, airily calling them "momentary 
aberrations" and speaking of "mountaintops where not a blade 
of grass grows." "Appeasement," shouted the press. 

Whether appeasement or not, it encouraged the Chinese 
to be still more aggressive. Peking concluded a road-building 
pact with Nepal, and offered economic aid to Sikkim and 
Bhutan. "A stab in the back," Krishna Menon was reported 
to have exclaimed privately when he heard about this. Was 
this going to be a Chinese pincer movement directed at India? 
But Menon went no further than mildly to counsel the Chi- 
nese to withdraw from Indian land in the "interest of socialism 
and peace." 

"Menon claims with some justice," observed Time, "that 
India could not win a war with Red China, though it is a 
curious stance for a vain Defense Minister. But Menon's 
critics counter that defending Indian territory against further 
Red conquests need not lead to war." 

The trouble seems to be that Krishna Menon had neglected 
to build up India's border defenses. 

"While he and Nehru refuse," continued Time, "to give 
details to parliament on the ground that such information 
would be useful to the Chinese, one fact is clear: North In- 
dia's population centers are far closer than Red China's big 


cities, but the Chinese have built more roads to the Himalayan 
passes than the Indians. Most frontier posts can be reached 
from the Indian side only by mulepack or helicopter. India's 
defensive position would be far better if it were to make com- 
mon cause with Pakistan, but Krishna Menon sneers at the 

The Indian-Chinese frontier issue was precarious, and 
getting more complex every day. In the early spring of 1962 
the government of India stated in a note to Peking that only 
the "peaceful withdrawal of the Chinese forces from the 
territories which have traditionally been a part of India, can 
create the atmosphere for a peaceful settlement of the border 

Peking charged, in turn, that since 1961, Indian military 
forces had advanced into Chinese territory and set up posts, 
and Indian aircraft had "wantonly made reconnaissance and 
harassment flights over places where Chinese frontier guards 
are stationed and even over places far in the rear." A state- 
ment by a Foreign Office spokesman in Peking said that the 
borders between the two countries set out on the Chinese 
maps had a "historical and factual basis," while "India used 
material reflecting British aggression against China in the past 
to justify its stand." 

Then Krishna Menon, again in Madras, on April 20, 1962, 
declared that he would not be a party to any step "which 
will expose our troops to unnecessary jeopardy . . . China 
cannot swallow us up any more than we can swallow up 
China . . . No monopolist newspaper is going to jockey us 
into a position where we have to defend ourselves from a 
position of weakness." 

Apparently he seems to have felt that blame for the deteri- 
oration of the border situation lay less with Chinese expan- 


sionism or with his own incompetence as Defense Minister 
than with the sinister machinations of unnamed foreign mo- 

Why the Quarrel? 

Why this quarrel with a country which had sought to 
maintain amicable relations with China? China had launched 
a massive socio-economic movement to leap from the seven- 
teenth into the twenty-first century. The Chinese leaders 
hoped that by creating a mood of national exaltation com- 
bined with totalitarian controls they would be able to set up 
an effective organization to accomplish their aim. India has 
been trying to do the same thing by democratic means, 
through a freely elected parliament with its will implemented 
by a government responsible to the legislature. 

The famished masses of the economically backward coun- 
tries have been watching this race. Whichever of these coun- 
tries wins will gain more than a more rapid increase in living 
standards. It may appear to be in China's interest to place all 
kinds of obstacles in India's way, thereby frustrating her 
efforts to be the first to "cut the tape." 

Related to this mode of thinking is another. The Chinese 
Communist regime has not been doing well of late. Having 
tried to grab much, it has got little. The most convenient 
device available to an autocracy in such a case is to divert 
attention from its failings by arousing public sentiment, by 
concentrating on an antagonist. "People are better at hating 
than loving." Nothing is easier than to stir up a hate campaign. 
Such appeals help people forget short rations, even though 
they fail to still hunger pangs. In a highly unconventional 
setting, the Chinese gamble in the Himalayas followed a 
conventional pattern. 


It is not clear whether Krishna Menon sees this explanation 
of China's motives. If he does, he almost certainly does not 
agree with it. But whatever his real attitude may be, he can- 
not wholly ignore the grim facts. The border dispute is real, 
and it is serious. India has been obliged to strengthen her 
frontier garrisons and has built thousands of miles of new 
military roads in the threatened areas. There is, after all, a 
limit to how far even Messrs. Nehru and Menon can be 


In the Defense Ministry 

On Raisana Hill 

A FLUTTER OF EXCITEMENT swept the editorial offices of the 
Indian press when the composition of the new government 
was announced after the general election of March, 1957. It 
mostly concerned the appointment of the new Minister of 

Officially, ministerial appointments in India are made by 
the President of the Republic, on the advice of the Prime 
Minister. The President was Rajendra Prasad; the Prime Min- 
ister, Nehru, who also filled the post of minister of external 
affairs, and of the head of the department of atomic energy. 

Ministers in India are collectively responsible to the Lok 
Sabha. Again the Congress Party had cleared the electoral 
hurdle with flying colors. But Krishna Menon himself was 
not popular in his party, nor in the legislature. Was he popu- 
lar with the President? It made little difference, because the 
latter's functions were representative only. Real power rested 


in the P.M.'s hands, and it was he who wanted Krishna Menon 
next to him in the defense post. 

The Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of De- 
fense are in the South Bloc of the vast complex of buildings 
the British built on Raisana Hill. This is the Secretariat, facing 
a magnificent vista between two New Delhi memorials and 
suggesting the vastness of the country. The South Bloc is 
India's nerve center. 

If Panditji wanted Krishna Menon for the post in the Min- 
istry of Defense, he had more than enough power to gratify 
his wish. 

A Man to Power Born 

The position of Panditji in India appears at first glance to 
be an enigma. How is it that he concentrates such vast power 
in his hands when India is a democracy? It is explained in his 
public appearances. Let us observe him when he is addressing 
a vast gathering. Gatherings in India a country which will 
soon have half a billion people are inevitably vast. 

He does not speak all the languages of the audience. No- 
body could there are so many of them. He speaks English 
the Cambridge variety which sounds as if it were his native 
tongue. Enthralled at his feet sits his audience most of it not 
understanding a word he says. He completes his peroration, 
and pandemonium breaks loose. It would have made no dif- 
ference if he had recited the alphabet. 

Members of all castes seem to worship this Kashmirian 
Brahman, the most thoroughbred of all Indian aristocrats. 
This philosopher-statesman, a superintellectual, is the god of 
the illiterate millions who do not know where their next meal 
will come from. What appeals to them? Evidently that sign 
on his forehead appeals to them the sign of the charismatic 


leader. Yet he does not act the part. He looks and acts more 
like a college professor than the anointed of the gods. 

Many people say that the mantle of India's protective di- 
vinity Gandhiji has fallen on his shoulders. While this is 
true, the explanation is not sufficient. Nor is it sufficient to 
say that he is a man of great intelligence and deep, abiding 
intuitions. He is also a politician, a master of his craft. He 
manipulates people, divides and rules over them, and more 
often than notkeeps them away from the limelight so as to 
have a monopoly. In Krishna Menon he beheld another master 
manipulator, who was nevertheless beholden to him. And so 
Panditji installed Krishna Menon on Raisana Hill. 

Krishna Menon has been talking for years about the futil- 
ity of wars. Although associations are not conclusive evidences 
of his ideology, he has always preferred the kind of pacifism 
represented by Bertrand Russell. Is the Ministry of Defense 
of a young country beset by problems the right place for a 
pacifist intellectual? Is it the proper place for a man who was 
hesitating what road to take the one leading to law or the 
other one leading to teaching? Generals have sensitive souls 
which are easily bruised. Krishna Menon had the reputation 
of being brutally outspoken. How could he get along with 
top brass? 

At the time of Krishna Menon's appointment to his post 
India's second Five-Year Plan had run into a snag. Independ- 
ence was already a decade old, and yet the people's living 
standards were disastrously low. It is true that standards were 
rising almost imperceptibly, but that was precisely the danger. 
Soon the critical threshold of the "disappointment explosion" 
might be reached. The revolutionary masses are not the poor- 
est people. Those are too apathetic and weak to act. They 


are the people who have seen the dawn and want to see the 

The Asian scene was astir with unfulfilled expectations. 
As democratic procedures were suspended, India's next-door 
neighbors, Pakistan and Burma, turned for salvation to mili- 
tary leaders. Thailand, another nearby country, was already 
under a tight military rule. All over Indonesia, disgruntled 
officers of the armed forces were spark-plugging revolts. In- 
dochinaSouth Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia were engulfed 
in chaos. Farther afield, in the Middle East, military regimes 
sprang into life. Did all these developments conform to a pat- 
tern? There were no signs of such upheavals in India, to be 
sure, but these were not times when anything could be taken 
for granted. Is it possible that Nehru picked Krishna Menon 
for the defense post because he was the man who could face 
down even the most arrogant man of war? 

Other thoughts may have been stirring in Panditji's mind. 
Free from the shackles of Britain, India was still exposed to 
the annoyance of Portugal, the dwarf. That Iberian country 
had a small enclave in India, not far north of Krishna Menon's 
place of birth. This was Goa, and its very name was an insult. 
Was Krishna Menon the man to "decontaminate" India by 
eliminating the "festering sore"? Or perhaps Panditji had 
other jobs in store for his neighbor on Raisana Hill. Before 
answering these questions let us look at India's imperial heri- 

"Arms Against a Sea of Troubles" 

India took over the armed forces from the British. What 
had the British Raj thought of the martial qualities of Mother 
India's sons? 

At first the British had been very critical, saying, in their 


outspoken way, that "in the immense population of India the 
number of men of martial proclivities and even of personal 
courage is a very small proportion of the whole, and the great 
mass of people, educated or otherwise, are quite devoid of 
any martial potentiality." 

When the commander-in-chief in India at the beginning of 
this century, the legendary Lord Kitchener of Khartoum, 
helped to establish military units of "martial classes and races" 
he employed them so as to supplement each other's qualities, 
producing what he called a healthy rivalry, while the "less 
warlike races" were to be eliminated from the military ranks. 
The most highly valued members of the fighting races were 
the Sikhs of the Punjab and the Gurkhas of Nepal. 

The more important Indian native states had, under British 
rule, their own armed forces. They were integrated into the 
Indian imperial service troops, under British control. Respon- 
sive to Indian susceptibilities, the designation "imperial" was 
later replaced by "state troops." Large numbers of Indian 
troops were dispatched to the West during World War I. 
They were sent to France and to such other critical areas as 
Mesopotamia and Palestine. Under Lord Allenby Indians 
fought the Turks. The war record of the Indians, and not 
only that of the "martial classes," was excellent. And it was 
perhaps even better in World War II 

The division of the subcontinent into two countries brought 
numerous problems in its wake. Some of the so-called martial 
races were now settled in Pakistan. How were the military, 
naval and air force stores to be divided? How was India to 
recruit a new officer class? How were the funds for the armed 
forces to be acquired? 

The foundations of the armed forces were good. The of- 
ficer class, inherited from the British, had a thorough training, 


including Sandhurst. Not only the British officers' swagger 
sticks were retained, but also their proud esprit de corps. 
While army service was voluntary, there was no shortage of 
volunteers. Soldiers wore snappy uniforms, and their food 
was good. 

The armed forces Krishna Menon took over consisted of 
the regular army, navy and air force, plus the territorial army 
a reserve force and the Lok Sahayak Sena, the national 
volunteer force; the national cadet corps; and an auxiliary 
cadet corps. The Indian fleet was small: two cruisers, one 
aircraft carrier and a number of destroyers, minesweepers and 
auxiliary boats. The three major air force commands opera- 
tional, training and maintenance were located at Palam (New 
Delhi), Bungalore and Kanpur. 

Krishna Menon effected numerous changes in the organi- 
zation and administration of the Ministry of Defense. He 
inaugurated the National Defense College (patterned on 
Britain's Imperial Defense College) for the training of the 
senior officers of all three branches. Its main purpose was the 
study of the military, scientific, industrial, social, economic 
and political factors involved in war, as well as the higher di- 
rection and strategy of war. The Defense College was also de- 
signed to afford opportunities to senior officers and highly 
placed civil servants to get together for the exchange of ideas, 
thus giving them a better understanding of each other's prob- 
lems in war and peace. 

Krishna Menon the ex-schoolmasterestablished a new en- 
gineering college for the training of junior specialist officers 
in the services. The school of electrical engineering of die 
navy at Jamnagar was charged with the task of training of- 
ficers and men in that branch of the services. Account was 


taken of the fact that most of the newly acquired ships were 
being fitted with sophisticated electrical equipment. 

As early as 1958, Krishna Menon launched the research 
and development organization of his services. He accom- 
plished this through the fusion of the Technical Development 
Establishments and the Defense Science Organization. The 
stated objective of the new body was to promote and apply 
scientific research for production. 

Only the army had ordnance factories before Krishna 
Menon took over the Ministry. He established "producing 
stores" for the navy and the air force as well, to turn out artil- 
lery, heavy mortars, naval guns and barrels, recoil systems 
for guns, mountings, carriages and buffers for heavy and 
medium caliber guns, small arms, bombs, shells and various 
other types of ammunition, naval mines, high explosives, 
depth charges, parachutes and mountain warfare equipment. 

It was he who inaugurated the auxiliary cadet corps, to 
train his country's youth in team spirit and discipline com- 
bined with patriotism. It had enrolled more than a million by 
1960. The regular Cadet Corps membership doubled to 263,- 
469 in the first four years of his incumbency. The technical 
unit cadets were offered specialized training in flying. Gliding 
was also introduced as a part of the air cadet's training. 

He fostered a Welfare Organization in the Ministry of 
Defense, with the aid of welfare officers. They helped ar- 
range cultural festivals, and produced plays. Calling for the 
development of social consciousness, he has helped to en- 

Eurage sports. "You can't remove slums by removing brick- 
d-mortar structures," he said. "You must develop an 
ti-slum mentality." He also had the armed forces' pension 
rates increased. 
The expansion of the regular and ancillary services was 


indicated by the increase of the defense budget from a little 
over two billion rupees in fiscal 1956-57 to more than three 
billion five years later. 

A Controversial Man 

Yet Krishna Menon has managed to be in the center of 
several controversies and growing suspicion at the Ministry 
of Defense. A typical problem arose in connection with his 
project to order supersonic MIG jet fighter planes from the 
Soviets. Cheaper than the planes he could have obtained from 
the West, they could also be bought in India's own currency, 
the rupee, rather than in dollars or pounds. But the acquisition 
of them would inevitably result in a certain technical reorien- 
tation toward Russian-made weapons systems. 

At the end of May, 1962, the Defense Ministry's budget 
was discussed in the Lok Sabha. Krishna Menon acknowl- 
edged that India was considering the purchase of the Russian 
fighters. India's military purchases, he argued, would be deter- 
mined by "self-interest conditioned by ethical considerations/ 7 
India wanted these fighters to offset the twelve F-io4's Paki- 
stan had received from the United States the previous year. 
"We have got to get everything we can," he said, "to protect 
our borders." The Defense Ministry had no ideology in its 
purchases, he added, and he listed the factors that appeared to 
favor the MIG's: cost, performance, availability of spare 
parts, and the ability to carry weapons that were not too 
costly to India. 

The United States and Britain expressed concern over the 
plan: the United States, because such a purchase would con- 
stitute Russian military aid rendered possible by American 
economic assistance; Britain, because the Soviet technicians 


accompanying the latest MIG's to India might have access to 
classified British-made equipment. 

Long before the MIG crisis, however, the Defense Min- 
istry had become embroiled in controversy. The private 
affairs of the Ministry of Defense in New Delhi erupted into 
the open in September, 1959. The houses of parliament and 
the editorial offices resounded with them. Again Krishna 
Menon was in the eye of the hurricane. This time his own 
chiefs of staff were up in arms against him. The army chief of 
staff, General K. S. Thimayya, was so incensed that he offered 
his resignation to Nehru, and intimated that its immediate 
acceptance would not be too soon for him. The chief of the 
naval staff, Vice Admiral R. D. Katari, and the chief of the 
air staff, Air Marshal S. Mukerjee, were also on the warpath. 
The press hinted that the trouble had erupted over adminis- 
trative questions and, particularly, the Minister's policy of 
promotion. The dispute reached the floor of the inquisitive 
Lok Sabha in due time. 

It seems that promotions had been made without consulting 
the chiefs of the armed services. Had those promotions been 
based on grounds other than merit, and if so, what had they 
been? Promotions, it was intimated, were subordinated to 
Krishna Menon's "peculiar predilections." These, in turn, 
were motivated by political concerns. Krishna Menon was 
referred to as the "ugly face of India's foreign policy" in the 
debate which ensued. 

Other things were also ventilated on the floor of the Lok 
Sjfc0 financial irregularities in the Ministry of Defense, 
including grave mistakes in audit reports, fictitious financial 
adjustments, "infructuous purchases" and avoidable expendi- 
tures. Why could not the Ministry of Defense exercise closer 
vigilance over these matters? Krishna Menon was charged 


with responsibility. Again, he was not accused of having 
derived pecuniary benefit from these transactions. On the 
contrary, the trouble was his lack of interest in monetary 

Prime Minister Nehru rushed to the defense of his besieged 
cabinet member. "What kind of a tamasha is this?" he wanted 
to know. What sort of funny business was this? Yes, he had 
received Thimayya's resignation, and did not like it. The 
whole thing was trivial, and top officers should not be so thin- 
skinned. Yes, the civil authority was supreme in India. At the 
same time, it should heed the advice of the experts. The finan- 
cial mixup was unimportant, too, and could easily be straight- 
ened out. He paid tribute to Krishna Menon for his "great 
energy and enthusiasm." The opposition speakers objected. 
While Nehru had paid tribute to the minister of defense, he 
had said nothing about the work of the service chiefs. The 
Prime Minister stuck to his guns. The officers were gallant 
men, but they should not have turned a molehill into a moun- 
tain. And there the matter rested; a triumph for the minister 
of defense. 

Not much later two of the service chiefs were replaced: 
Thimayya by General P. N. Thapar, and Air Marshal Muker- 
jee by Air Marshal A. M. Engineer. Only Vice Admiral 
Katari remained at his post, as he made his peace with the 
minister of defense. 

Was there anything more to this incident than the facts 
aired on the floor of the Lok Sabha? Krishna Menon's posi- 
tion, some of the newspapers reflected, appeared to be 
stronger now than ever before. Was he strengthening his grip 
on the ministry of defense in preparation for greater things 
to come? Was Krishna Menon maneuvering himself toward 
a position of greater power, to be assumed after his mentor, 


Panditji, known to be ailing, had passed from the political 
scene? The New Statesman and Nation, usually not hostile 
to left-wing causes, echoed these suspicions. Although, it said, 
Krishna Menon did not appear to be the stuff of which dicta- 
tors were made, he could easily maneuver himself into a posi- 
tion of great perhaps decisive power owing to the key 
position he held at the ministry of defense. 

Foreign observers such as John Masters, novelist and former 
Indian Army officer, have been deeply critical of Menon's 
record as Defense Minister, charging that he has dangerously 
weakened India's defense posture. But the validity of these 
criticisms or the fears of those who believe that Krishna 
Menon will use his ministerial position for his own political 
advantage can only be evaluated in the light of events yet to 


cc Goa Constrictor" 

Mountain in its Azure Hue 

COLUMBUS HAD BEEN A FAILURE, but Vasco da Gama was a 
success. The "India" of the former turned out to be America, 
and who cared for it, until Eldorado's gold began to dazzle 
Spanish eyes. But Vasco da Gama did find the road to India, 
not across the Ocean Sea, but by doubling the Cape of Storms, 
which afterward became the Cape of Good Hope. The land- 
fall of the Portuguese navigator was at Calicut, the former 
home of Krishna Menon. And it was Krishna Menon who 
put an end to the Portuguese conquerors* rule. 

The British had relinquished their empire after World War 
II. As for France, nothing but a few small enckves remained 
of the French dream in India Pondichery, Karikal, Chander- 
nagor, Mahe and Yanaon, on both coasts, the Coromandel and 
the Malabar. While France was still mistress of Indochina, 
her mastery of these enclaves still had some sense. But when 
Indochina was lost, French Indian enclaves became anachro- 
nisms, and causes of bad blood. Consequently, on May 28, 



1956, Paris and New Delhi set their signatures to a treaty the 
first paragraph of which read: 

Considering that their governments, faithful to the common 
declaration made in 1947 and desirous of strengthening their 
bonds of friendship, established since then between France and 
India, have manifested their intention of settling amicably the 
problem of French establishments in India . . . have decided to 
conclude a treaty establishing [their] cession. . . . 

This was the end of France in India, and the beginning of 
closer relations between the two countries. 

Portuguese India was a larger territory, with a longer his- 
tory, indeed the longest history any modern European 
state had in India. It was linked to Portugal's hallowed tradi- 
tions, religious and secular. Its continued existence in its 
hostile environment was conditioned both by Portugal's un- 
willingness to come to terms with modern history, and by 
deeply rooted vested interests. The Portuguese called it Estado 
da Indiathe State of India and that was another insult, indi- 
cating that there were two Indias on this globe, only one 
of which had for its capital New Delhi. The "other India" 
had for its capital the city of Pangim. It consisted of 1,396 
square miles, comprising three enclaves on the Malabar Coast, 
facing the Arabian Sea. To the north of Goa the larg- 
estwere Damao, including the territories of Dadra and 
Nagar-Aveli, in the neighborhood of Bombay, and Diu, an 
island across from Dainao, on the Gulf of Cambay, whose 
region included also the Portuguese coastal territories of 
Gogola and Simbor. These regions were not poor in natural 
resources, since they produced manganese, iron ore, coconuts, 
cashew, copra, spices, fish, salt and rice. Their total popula- 
tion was some 650,000. 

The enclave of Goa itself comprised the Velhas Conquistas 


the Old Conquests and the Novas Conquistas, the new. 
These very names were bound to affront Indian sensibilities. 
This scented land of spice had a coastline of sixty miles, in- 
cluding a segment of the Western Ghats towering into a 
four thousand-foot peak. 

The Portuguese Mars and the "New House" 

The Portuguese had gained mastery of Goa under Affonso 
de Albuquerque, whom his contemporaries named "The 
Portuguese Mars," founder of an empire in the East and vice- 
roy of the Portuguese Indies. He fought with success the 
"infidel" king of Bijapur, Yusuf Adil Shah, a Moslem. The 
war the Portuguese waged against him was therefore a 
"crusade." Soon afterward Portugal began her missionary 
work under the direction of the great Jesuit, St. Francis 
Xavier, described as "the greatest missionary since St. Paul." 
The annual "novena of grace" in mid-March attests to his 
immortal fame. His headquarters was Goa, and from there he 
embarked on his activities in the vastly difficult and even 
dangerous region from Ceylon to Japan. At the very time 
when he was preparing an expedition into the remote land of 
China death overtook him. He was buried in the cathedral of 
Goa. To Portugal, a devoted Catholic land, therefore, Goa 
was not merely a highly valued overseas possession, but also 
a religious shrine. 

Goa was an expatriate Iberian world. The red-tiled roofs 
of the houses and the Peninsular architecture contrasted 
keenly with the jungle setting reflected in the blue waters of 
the Arabian Sea. The whitewashed Catholic shrines and the 
cool churches further intensified the curious impression that 
this was some misplaced part of Southern Europe. 


"Pangim still pulls down the siesta shutters against the 
cruel afternoon heat," an American correspondent wrote, 
"and statues of Portuguese heroes still stand on the squares, 
staring out over the waterfront." 

Goa was the last remaining reminder of the past humiliation 
of the subcontinent. There, hated colonialism still conducted 
itself in the spirit of olden days, ruffling Indian patriotic senti- 
ment. And Portugal itself, ruled by its apparently perennial 
Prime Minister, Dr. Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, was in every 
way the social, political and economic antithesis of demo- 
cratic, socialist India. 

Salazar's Portugal was also considered particularly obnox- 
ious for another reason. Indians were familiar with Africa, the 
"Dark Continent," and they knew that it was darkest 
wherever Portugal ruled. It was an anomaly and an abomina- 
tion to have a slice of Portugal right in the core-land of pro- 
gressive-minded India. But what was New Delhi to do? It 
was dedicated to the policy of non-violence. 

Krishna Menon had, of course, spoken about this on many 
occasions. On the tenth birthday of the United Nations he 
had quoted his country's sainted Gandhiji to the effect that 
there could be no gap between means and ends. On another 
solemn occasion he had declared: "We cannot make peace 
by means of war." And again: "India will take no steps in- 
volving the use of force, even if legal right is on our side." 

Thus it was unarmed Indians who tried to force their way 
into Goa on August 25, 1955, bent on demonstrating national 
unity in the spirit of the late Gandhi, by peaceful means. 
However, the Portuguese armed forces had not been trained 
in the spirit of the revered Indian leader. They opened fire on 
the demonstrators, killing several of them. Krishna Menon 
took the case to the world tribunal in New York. Attempts 


were made to induce Portugal to leave the territory in peace, 
but Salazar stood his ground. Goa, he said, was an organic 
portion of the Republica Portuguese and not part of India. 
And there the matter rested until late in 1961. 

And Then the Thunderbolt 

For weeks the Indian press and officials had been talking of 
large Portuguese concentrations of firepower in Goa. Then, 
on December 18, 1961, a crack Indian division moved into 
the territory, while naval units of the republic deployed, and 
Indian jets roared overhead. When the Indian forces moved 
across the border they found only four thousand Portuguese 
soldiers and some five thousand Goan policemen and guards. 
Instead of the armada reported previously in the Indian press, 
New Delhi's navy ran into one frigate, which was towed away 
as a prize of war. The entire operation lasted thirty-six hours. 
It cost India twenty-two and Portugal some forty lives. In- 
dian officers later insisted that if the enemy had been in a mood 
to fight, the battle could have lasted two weeks. 

The Indian operation was master-minded by Defense Min- 
ister Krishna Menon. 

"For a good deal of the world," an American writer com- 
mented, "and particularly for the United States, still mesmer- 
ized by the memory of Mahatma Gandhi's credo of 
non-violence, the invasion of Goa by India was shocking news. 
It was as if Little Lord Fauntleroy had suddenly turned out to 
be a juvenile delinquent." 

Krishna Menon maintained that India had had no alterna- 
tive. Public opinion in India had been aroused, and another 
peace march into Goa had been in the offing. The marchers 


could not have been restrained, he said, as they were deter- 
mined to cross the line. Had they done so, the Portuguese 
would have started shooting at them. "What were we to do? 
Let the Portuguese shoot our own people?" 

The occupation of Goa electrified not only India but also 
many former colonial peoples. Portugal ranked low in the 
estimation of the Afro-Asian countries, and Premier Salazar 
was detested. To them Krishna Menon was a conquering hero. 

In the western world, and particularly the United States, 
however, he was roundly criticized. Where was that famous 
Indian satyagraha hiding? And what was the United Nations 
for? Why had India not availed herself of the United States' 
offer to mediate a peaceful Portuguese exit? 

There were those in the West who felt that there had been 
intensely practical reasons for Menon's part in the invasion of 
the Portuguese territories. 

A general election in India had been scheduled for the near 
future. Krishna Menon had been due to face a formidable 
candidate in the North Bombay constituency, a man with a 
nationally known name. Krishna Menon's popularity rating 
at the moment had been low, not merely because of the stories 
about his quarrels with the top brass, but also because of the 
Chinese situation. 

Embarrassing questions had been pouring in on the cabinet. 
Was Krishna Menon so complacent about the Chinese Reds 
because he had inhibitions in dealing with them? Granted that 
he himself was not a Communist, was he unable to let India's 
word be heard just because the Chinese were Reds? 

Fortuitously, there was Goa, to help him out. It was not 
"in the moon," as was the contested borderland in the north. 
It possessed valuable industrial raw materials and farm prod- 


ucts which India could use. Besides, it was the vestigial re- 
mainder of a despised age. Goa was under the heel of an auto- 
crat whom the people of India equated with all the sins of 
imperialism. Obviously, Goa could not resist a region hun- 
dreds of rimes its size and with a population of hundreds of 
millions. This was bound to be a quick victory popular and 
quick which the North Bombay voters were bound to re- 
member as they entered the election booths. 

Krishna Menon's prestige, however, was hardly enhanced 
in the West. The chief American delegate to the U.N., Adlai 
Stevenson, chided him for his tireless enjoinders to other 
nations to seek the paths of peace, contradicted as they were 
by his militaristic action. A foreign diplomat called Krishna 
Menon the "Goa constrictor." 

After India had taken Goa, Krishna Menon hurried to offer 
his explanations to the United Nations in New York. A 
phalanx of pressmen confronted him, wanting to know how 
he could reconcile Gandhi's spirit with the employment of 
jet bombers. The occupation of Goa, he told them, was not 
an act of aggression. "What do you call it, then?" a reporter 
ventured to ask. "I will not put up with such rudeness," 
Krishna Menon exploded. "Who are you to treat me like 
this?" The bewildered reporter tried to explain that his ques- 
tion was purely factual, and that no harm had been meant. 
"Apologize into the microphone," Krishna Menon demanded, 
and the reporter apologized. Millions of TV viewers were 
privileged to witness this edifying encounter. 

Meanwhile, Goa obtained two seats in the Indian Lok 
Sabha, assigned to her by President Rasendra Prasad, and 
Goa's official designation became "Union Territory," not 
"State." When an American correspondent visited the terri- 
tory half a year later, he reported: "The Goan shopkeeper 


said with a grimace and a grumble that his shelves had been 
empty since the Indian army came in. Then he said thought- 
fully that the political jails had been, too." 
And, in due course, Krishna Menon won his election. 


The People's Voice 

At the Gateway of India 

THE NATIONAL ELECTION took place at the end of February, 
1962. Krishna Menon was facing formidable opposition to 
re-election to his North Bombay seat. Many people in India 
may be underfed, but no nation, no matter how poor, likes to 
be undernourished as regards news that will enable it to strike 
a heroic pose. India's own press had been heckling Krishna 
Menon about his reaction to the Chinese dragon, nibbling 
away precious Indian land in the North. He was vulnerable 
at election time on that score. On Goa, however, he shone 
like a knight in radiant armor. 

Never had the world seen such an election campaign. The 
number of qualified voters was estimated at 210 million, and 
at least 125 million of them were expected to go to the polls 
in what was described as the biggest free election in history. 
The number of expected voters alone exceeded the combined 
populations of Great Britain, France, Australia and Canada. 
There were about 200,000 polling stations, some of them in 



nearly inaccessible mountain areas, which could be reached 
only on foot. Candidates for the approximately five hundred 
seats in the Lok Sabha were campaigning, some of them call- 
ing attention to themselves in dramatic ways. Communist 
Party workers at Calcutta acted out skits on such issues as 
high prices, exorbitant rents and poor transportation. A Pun- 
jabi candidate campaigned from the prison cell to which he 
had been confined for attempting to murder his rival. A Con- 
gress Party aspirant in the Himalayan constituency of Ranik- 
het promised to deal with his district's most urgent problem 
a tiger that had already devoured twenty people. Since most 
of the voters were illiterates, they were to use rubber stamps 
to make a cross after the name of the candidates of their choice. 
Each candidate's party symbol was reproduced on the ballot. 
North Bombay was a "prestige constituency" and fairly 
safe for the National Congress, for which Krishna Menon was 
the candidate. He did not contest a seat in his own home dis- 
trict, Kerala, on the Malabar Coast. He had severed his rela- 
tions with the South. Also, Kerala has the largest number of 
Communists in India, and had he been returned to parliament 
from there, the opposition could have claimed that he had 
been elected by the extreme left. 

The Goddess of Fishermen 

Mumba was the goddess of the fishermen who inhabited the 
eleven-mile-long island today named for her, and it was her 
name which became Bombay, after having passed through 
many distorting lips. Mumba seems to have been a fickle god- 
dess, and fickle is certainly the word for the people of Bom- 
bay. The partial explanation may be their composition: the 
richest and the poorest, from the most diverse ethnic origins 


Gujeratis, Marathis, Cinhalese, Pushtus, Tibetans, Baghdad 
Jews, Punjabis, Sikhs and many others. 

Bombay is a city of global shipping, with a constantly stir- 
ring waterfront kept churning by trade and banking. It is also 
a city of large industries. It is the home of people who have 
the means to rest on the finest damask sheets, and of people 
who live all their lives in the gutters of the streets. Bombay- 
like India is more than a limited geographical unit, more than 
a city, or even a country it is the world itself. The very lan- 
guage of the bulk of its people is a cosmopolitan mixture, 
Bombay Bat, a lingua franca in which are embedded Hindi, 
Urdu, Persian, Arabic and Pushtu, with an admixture of 
pidgin English. It was not easy to reach such an audience in 
an election campaign, especially if one was as sophisticated as 
Krishna Menon and as snobbish. 

Krishna Menon's principal opponent was Nehru's former 
companion and jailmate, Acharya Kripalani, a nationally 
known and highly respected name. Formerly he had belonged 
to the Congress Party, but now he was the standard-bearer of 
the Praja Socialist Party, which considered parts of the Con- 
gress program dated and aimed at the establishment of a demo- 
cratic Socialist society. 

Besides being a Socialist, Kripalani was strongly anti-Com- 
munist, and perhaps even more strongly anti-Krishna Menon. 
He did not stand alone in opposition to the Minister of De- 
fense. Other parties, including the Jana Singh Party "India 
Firsters" who detested the Moslems, Christians, and untouch- 
ablesand many others, were in the running. Also opposed to 
Krishna Menon was the newly established conservative party, 
Sivatantra, founded by India's first Governor-General, Cha- 
kravarti Rajagopalachari, a prominent leader from Madras. 
"Our party is in revolt against statism," he declared. The 


Moslem League also advised its cohorts to vote against Krishna 
The Communists, on the other hand, supported him. 

The Sound and Fury of the Battle 

His election posters symbolized the theme of Kripalani's 
campaign. They showed a bayonet held by Red China stab- 
bing into the body of India: "Menon represents China not 
India." Who had been the minister of defense at the time 
when the Chinese had started humiliating India by capturing 
her border patrols? The same Krishna Menon who had in- 
structed the Indian border guards not to return the Reds' fire. 

"I have come North," Kripalani said at an election rally, 
"to warn you against the Communist danger to your house- 
holds, your freedom, and aU the values you hold dear." 

And again: "If you vote wrongly on February 25, you will 
encourage the Chinese who have already occupied 14,000 
square miles of our land, to nibble away at our territory. The 
history of the 250 years of British conquest will be repeated. 
The current situation has been brought about by Mr. Menon's 
inept handling of our national defenses." 

All the opposition candidates charged that Krishna Menon 
had the Communists' full support and that they never seemed 
to attack or even as much as criticize him. Kripalani extended 
his criticism to the entire Congress leadership, which had 
taken Krishna Menon under its protective wing. "My criti- 
cism of the government," Kripalani said, "is on the grounds 
of ethics and everyday human values." He wanted to know 
why the government of which Krishna Menon was a key 
member had stood by while Tibet was raped, and why India 


had not sided with the free world at the time of the Hungarian 

The Big Battalions for the Minister of Defense 

The Congress Party mustered its big battalions for the de- 
fense of Krishna Menon. Bombay is situated in the state of 
Maharashtra, the chief minister of which, Y. B. Chavan, made 
clear the special interest of the Congress Party in the North 
Bombay election. Mr* Chavan was an influential man, being 
also minister of home, planning and industries. The election, 
he noted, was of international importance, and its outcome 
was bound to affect the future of the entire nation for at least 
a decade. 

As the day of the balloting approached, the election fever 
reached a critical peak. The political commentator of the pro- 
Congress but anti-Krishna Menon daily, The Hindustan 
Times, said just before the voting day: 

For the voters, North Bombay will go down as the most ex- 
citing and controversial election in history, with the election 
issues brought home to them through the media of posters, the 
written and the spoken word, and tape-recorded verses and 
songs. In many ways, the poll has been an education in current 
politics and political vocabulary. The meanings of such words 
as "crypto-Communist" and "fellow-travelers" are now not 
beyond the comprehension of the common people. The danger 
to our northern borders from China has also loomed large in 
the election issues. 

Krishna Menon solemnly declared that he was averse to 
political mudslinging and to fighting his opponents with lies. 
The present election he said in a key speech in Sunderabai 
Hall would help to separate the wheat from the chaff, and 


to promote the political education of the electorate. The 
policy of the government would not be changed, "though 
many people of the West and some people here too are trying 
to pressurize it into war alliances and a war." Those who 
opposed socialism, he warned, were wrong, because "this eco- 
nomic revolution is inevitable." The government preferred 
to have it happen by common consent, but, he added grimly, 
the "alternative was inevitable," if the consent was absent. 

This cryptic statement, with its ominous undertones, called 
for clarification. He did not provide it. 

Shortly before election day, thousands of people gesticu- 
lating and shouting "Vote for Menon!" marched to the Ex- 
press group newspaper offices in Bombay, and made a bonfire 
of its English and Marathi-language daily publications. The 
Express was a staunch supporter of Kripalani in the North 
Bombay contest. One of the leaders of the demonstration was 
a member of parliament from Kashmir, the other, one from 
Delhi. They demanded that the newspapers stop attacking 
Krishna Menon. The Kashmiri member of parliament was 
overheard saying that the crowd had been in just the right 
mood to smash the newspaper building, but that he had man- 
aged to pacify it. Incessantly the demonstrators kept on shout- 
ing, "Menon will win the North Bombay election." Others 
shouted, "Those who oppose him will be ground to dust." 
Some distance from the newspaper offices the police stopped 
the demonstrators. 

Mr. Nehru Steps In 

The Prime Minister went all out in backing Krishna Menon. 
The keystone of his talks was, "If you are against Krishna 
Menon, you are against me." Panditji said at open-air meetings 


on Connaught Place-the Times Square of New Delhi that 
Kripalani's supporters were adopting the techniques of the 
late Senator McCarthy in branding Krishna Menon a Com- 
munist. McCarthyisin had done great harm to America, he 
added, and if it came to India "it will spell our ruination/' To 
call Mr. Menon a Communist, Nehru said, was a fantastic lie. 
"Mr. Menon is a Socialist, as myself, and he is a real Socialist, 
and not an arm-chair one." On the other hand, Acharya 
Kripalani was being helped by all kinds of reactionaries the 
wealthy people, the big newspapers and both Hindu and 
Moslem communalists. 

"Vote Menon," said a Menon poster, "and support Nehru." 

"Vote Kripalani," said a Kripalani poster, "and save 

Election day finally came, the voters delivered their verdict 
and the votes were counted. Krishna Menon's showing was 
better than the Congress Party had anticipated. He had polled 
296,304 votes against 151,437 for Kripalani. Goa, it seemed, 
had paid off. 

Kripalani and his supporters did not accept defeat stoically. 
"Krishna Menon's victory was the victory of the Reds." A 
political cartoon in the The Hindustan Times was captioned, 
"North Bombay Championship Bout: Killer Kripdani vs. 
Mauler Menon." It showed a boxing ring in which a huge 
figure labeled "Commies" was carrying out the defense min- 
ister, who had just kicked another figure, marked "Anti- 
Menon Front," in the snout. Nehru was clapping his hands 
gently in his ringside seat, while Khrushchev threw up his 
cap in undisguised jubilation. 

The election confirmed the Congress Party in its estab- 
lished place with a margin more than ample for the next five 


years, after which there would have to be another national 
election. Krishna Menon, as saturnine-looking as ever, com- 
mented that the outcome of the election manifested the poli- 
tical maturity of India's electorate. 


The Image and the Enigma 

Krishna Menon 9 s Role 

FRANK MORAES, the Indian author and newspaperman, has 
written, in Jaivaharlal Nehru, A Biography: 

The closest to him [Nehru] today is probably the didactic 
and controversial V. K. Krishna Menon . . . Menon has an 
aptitude for rationalising Nehru's instinct and impulses, particu- 
larly in the field of foreign affairs, and of clothing them in clear, 
precise language and logical thought. . . . Lean, stringy, satur- 
nine, with a caustic tongue and a look of imperious disdain, he 
suggests (too easily perhaps) the Grey Eminence hovering bale- 
fully in the background. 

Referring to the close relation between President Franklin 
D. Roosevelt and his principal adviser, Moraes refers to 
Krishna Menon as Prime Minister Nehru's Harry Hopkins. 
Krishna Menon is Panditji's eminence grise. 

The two men seem to be utterly different, in their back- 
grounds, manners and temperaments. Yet, as we have seen, 
there is an intellectual kinship between them. The Congress, 



being a political organization, has a large contingent of little 
people with big ambitions shallow politicians, time-servers. 
Krishna Menon the intellectual is not of their ilk, and this fact 
alone may have appealed to Panditji. 

If the two men were active in American politics they would 
stand somewhere well to the left of center in the Democratic 
Party. America can afford to be capitalistic, because it has vast 
accumulations of capital. But India is not America. The capital 
she has is limited, and is concentrated in few hands. Outside 
of that, she is beset by a poverty which must be seen to be 
believed. Capitalism without adequate capital is not only an 
impossibility but an absurdity. Yet India cannot afford to have 
events overwhelm her. People are no longer content to have 
independence as an abstract notion. Freedom means also free- 
dom from hunger for famished people. The Indian govern- 
ment must, therefore, raise living standards. No matter how 
poor, a country disposes of larger resources than even the 
richest individuals. Therefore, according to Nehru and 
Menon, the need for the social solution of India's economic 
problems the Socialist way. 

Not a few observers of the Indian scene and they are not 
all Communists believe that the indigenous system is so 
congealed in a "cake of custom" that it can no longer be 
softened by normal methods, and therefore must be broken 
open. The Russians did that in their own country, and turned 
it into the largest industrial nation in the Old World. Al- 
though an appalling number of human lives were lost in the 
process, they believe that history is concerned only with 

Consequently, the Indian leaders might easily have taken 
the Russian pattern as the only one likely to lead to results. 
It is to be assumed that they would have softened its rigors, 


in line with their policy of satyagraha. But, in fact, they have 
not taken the Soviet route. They have turned to a mixed econ- 
omythe government helping out where the classical methods 
of free enterprise failed. 

Nehru and Krishna Menon apparently see eye to eye on 
this basic problem. America has become more sensitive to 
overtones of political ideology than most western nations. To 
many Americans some of Nehru's statements in the past have 
sounded "radical." Some of Krishna Menon's statements still 
sound like Communism. However, the important thing is not 
what a man sounds like, but what he does. The history of 
contempory India provides the answer. She is still part of 
what we call the free world so far. 

The two leading men of India in the country's most critical 
period of nation-building seem to have agreed on the essen- 
tials not only in domestic matters but also in the foreign field 
the special concern of the man from the Malabar Coast. 
Krishna Menon, the "formula manipulator," has a categorical 
mind. Although many Americans do not like his formulas, a 
surprisingly large number of these "formulas" have been ac- 
ceptable to a majority of the nations, certainly to the Afro- 
Asian nations. 

His Philosophy 

Krishna Menon's favorite photo of himself in recent years 
has been that of Lotte Meitner-Graf : a thoughtful face resting 
on a relaxed hand, with a soupgon of a smile on his lips; not 
the face of a man of action, but that of a philosopher. Yet 
when I asked him about his philosophy of life, he countered, 
"When a person has a philosophy of life, he is ready to die." 

Obviously, he does have a philosophy of life. Not so obvi- 
ously, it is the very reverse of the Hindu attitude. 


Hinduism believes that man's fate is predetermined, the 
result of the all-pervasive karma, deed. Human beings' deeds 
prescribe their future status in reincarnation; good deeds are 
rewarded, evil ones punished. Only the final stage, nirvana, 
can bring freedom and ultimate release. 

All creatures have, under this creed, dharma, the duty to 
perform one's obligations. These obligations in human society 
are to the caste, the social group and the family. Krishna 
Menon does not believe in karma, in nirvana, or in man's pre- 
determined fate. He holds that there could be little progress 
if the world were destined always to move in the same grooves. 
In that case, there would be no need for diplomacy, or for 
the United Nations. 

A strong belief in peace is an important part of Krishna 
Menon's professed philosophy. "But more than talk is needed," 
he says. "You must have a peaceful approach to problems 
and eventually it will create the proper conditions for peace." 
His practical philosophy culminates in the call for coexistence 
among the nations: "When a child grows up, it lives in the 
same house, but must have a separate room. This is family 
coexistence. But, then, coexistence is a stilted expression for 
something the world has always known." 

Inaugurating a lecture series organized by the Amar Hind 
Mandal Eternal India Association he expressed his view on 
the workings of democracy: 

Two developments have helped democracy in India. The 
first was the growing conviction among the people that their 
political and social conditions could be changed. . . . With the 
growing participation of the people in the government, proper 
education has become more essential or else the wrong kind of 
government might get into the saddle. 


Speaking about freedom of expression, he said: "No mat- 
ter how scurrilous newspapers might turn out to be, I would 
not like them to be suppressed except when matters concern- 
ing the security of the state were involved." 

The qualification, of course, is not inconsiderable. 

Charming and Rude 

"Krishna can be charming about twenty per cent of the 
time," said Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, Nehru's sister. He 
can also be uncharming. He can look through people as 
though they were glass. He can be overbearing and arrogant. 
When he wants to indicate that he is bored, he yawns and 
keeps on doing so, directly in the face of the speaker or per- 
former concerned. One of the famous photographs of him 
shows him dozing off, in company, at an exclusive New York 
cafe. He employs intemperate words. And he is a snob. 

He was asked, in the early stages of World War II, if he 
could see any difference between the Nazis and the Franco- 
English alliance. "You might as well ask the fish if it prefers 
to be fried in butter or margarine," he replied. 

He likes to dwell on the "struggle among imperialists." 
He made a statement on a Philadelphia radio station at the 
time of the Korean war to the effect that the United States 
had deliberately sabotaged his peace plan by bombing the 
power plants on the Yalu River, between Korea and China. 
He also accused the United States of having brought China 
into that war by pushing beyond the 38th parallel, which had 
been the boundary between Communist North Korea and 
the anti-Communist South. When the administration in Wash- 
ington lodged a protest to New Delhi over this statement, 


Mr. Nehru replied evasively: "Krishna Menon does not speak 
for India on every occasion." 

Here are some other "Menonisms," directed mainly at the 
United States: 

"You Americans always want everything in black and 
white. You make everyone sign on the dotted line." 

"America wants to be the leader of a holy alliance in 
defense of legitimacy, the status quo, no matter how intol- 

He seldom admits that he has ever said intemperate or ill- 
considered things. "What I have to say is not meant for today 
or for the next year but for a generation or more, when people 
will be ready to accept what they criticize today." 

He disclaims any intention to affront the United States. 

"Actually, I have never criticized the internal politics of 
the United States. I have been asked, for example, what I 
think of the Negro problem in America. I refrain from an- 
swering such questions, since they do not concern me. My 
job is not to deal with questions which arise in the United 
States. I am not here to convict the whole world. It is really 
a small matter who dislikes whom as long as the job is done." 

"It is a great mistake to think," he told an Indian audience, 
"that everybody is against us in the United States. We would 
be throwing out the baby with the bathwater if in the process 
of criticism we created . . . antagonisms which we cannot 

In an obscure explanation of his numerous attacks on the 
West, he has said that he criticizes it more than the East 
because this is bound to produce better results. "The West 
is more redeemable." 


Although Krishna Menon has a wide-spread reputation 
for arrogance, especially at U. N. General Assembly meet- 
ings, he makes a special point as shown before of professing 
modesty indeed, aggressively so. Few delegates make more 
frequent use of the tiresome formulas "in all humility," and 
"in my humble submission." 

In fact, modesty is not one of his more notable qualities. He 
is a born actor, and thrives in the limelight. When I showed 
him the book I had written about India he quickly turned 
to the index. I assured him that his name was mentioned in 
the book. 

"You know," an Indian reporter said about him, "when 
somebody else faints you wave smelling salts in front of him. 
When Krishna Menon faints, you wave the microphone." 

One day he did faint in front of the microphone, in full 
view of the distinguished audience of the U. N. General As- 
sembly. His alleged first words after he recovered were: 
"Where is the man from the Associated Press?" 

England, With All Her Faults 

He was astringent about Britain's "imperialism" in India's 
pre-independence days, but now those strictures are largely 
forgotten. Today he admires Britain, an aspect of his thinking 
that becomes obvious after one has spent a few minutes with 
him. "Britain is tolerant," he keeps repeating, "Britain is 
civilized." One feels that this insistent eulogy carries with 
it a strong implied contempt for the United States. 

He wants friendship firmly founded between Britain and 
India. He wanted India to remain with .the Commonwealth, 
and would have liked even closer relations. Krishna Menon 
has been sponsoring causes, organizations and publications 


to foster British-Indian friendship. In 1955 he founded the 
magazine Envoy, ostensibly "to promote friendship between 
India and Britain." It is a well-edited, glossy periodical, started 
as a monthly, now a bimonthly, explaining the two countries 
to each other from various points of view. 

"Scratches on Our Minds' 9 

What about the public image of Krishna Menon in the 
United States, Great Britain and India? A prominent Amer- 
ican sociologist, Harold R. Isaacs, research associate at the 
Center for International Studies of the Massachusetts Insti- 
tute of Technology, undertook to inquire into a matter that 
has suddenly become of great importance to all of us: What 
kind of ideas do Americans carry about in their heads re- 
garding the rest of the world? His findings were published 
in a book called Scratches on Our Minds* 

Mr. Isaacs set out to look for the answers by interviewing 
nearly two hundred Americans occupying important places 
in our society. They were government officials, diplomats, 
journalists, educators, missionaries and businessmen, many of 
them with experience in both India and the United States. 
The author fashioned his report out of their schoolday 
memories, personal experiences, the wisps remaining in their 
minds from printed sources, movies and personal contacts. 
Here we are concerned only with the "scratches on our 
minds" concerning Krishna Menon. He and Nehru were the 
only two Indian leaders mentioned by the interviewees in 
the course of a free-association and "stream of consciousness" 

*New York: The John Day Company, 1958. The following excerpts 
are reprinted with permission. 


"The Alter Image: Menon" is the title of the section that 
deals with Krishna Menon. As Nehru's alter ego, the reader 
is told, he is also his alter image, upon whom Nehru's friends 
feel free to project the stronger feelings they cannot apply to 
their hero. Somewhere close to the end of the spectrum, 
where "Nehru's policies are most strongly opposed and his 
personality pictured in its least attractive light, we begin to 
come upon the image of another Indian figure, V. K. Krishna 
Menon, long Nehru's principal roving ambassador and chief 
of India's delegation to the United Nations." 

Of the twenty-six interviewees who brought up the subject 
of Menon, all had encountered him personally, but only four 
offered marginal reservations in his favor. One was a top 
American official who had often faced Menon in United 
Nations debates. 

"He is a man of elusive values," this American diplomat 
said, "able but not frank or reliable, you always have to watch 
him carefully. He is always patronizing. He seems to have 
to keep on reassuring himself. But I can overlook this. He 
has courage and nerve and I rather enjoy tussling with him. 
He is never boring." 

Said one of the other three men with the mental reservations 
for Krishna Menon: "A Machiavelli with a swelled head, 
though he has his good sides, too; a pretty vicious guy, but 
you have to respect him. . . ." 

"I even like Krishna Menon," one of these interviewees 
said. "We get along, though he does with very few. He is 
a prickly character, but we enjoy scrapping; he lectures me 
and I lecture him." 

But more typical of the majority was this opinion: 

A devil incarnate. It relieves me to know that he lived most 
of his life out of India. He is vile in personal relationships and 


in every possible way. I can understand anti-Americanism, but 
what disturbs me more in Menon are his personal traits and the 
terrible feeling that he is really sincere in all this. He has done 
enormous harm over here and I wish Nehru would send him 
back to India. 

And here are samples of other views of Krishna Menon 
from the same inquiry: 

More objectionable than anybody I have ever met in my life; 
a poisonous fellow; rubs people the wrong way; always fighting 
to assert his masculinity, keen and lashing in a fight, a dangerous 
man; he was quite insulting to our delegates at the United 
Nations, I experienced it myself when I served there; a pro- 
Communist, anti-American blackmail agent; Menon is actively 
inimical to Americans; he just does not like them; I feel no 
sincerity in him at all, can never believe a thing he says; Menon 
is the archetype of the kind of unpleasant people Forster de- 
scribed in A Passage to India, glib, unctuous, self-righteous, 
arrogant; if Nehru wants to improve relations, let him with- 
draw the loud-mouthed, anti-American Menon. . . . 

And finally: 

. . . Menon is the man who has had a peculiar success in 
persuading almost everyone he encounters that he is really as 

obnoxious as he appears to be There seems to be some slight 

perplexity about Menon's personal political views, but he leaves 
no doubt about his acidulous contempt for everything pertain- 
ing to Americans and the United States. 

. . . And the Undergraduates 

These are the views of some of the leaders of thought in 
America. At the other extreme are the "scratches on the 
minds" of college students. I requested several friends, col- 
lege teachers, to have some of their students express their 


views about Krishna Menon, views they had collected through 
the usual channels school, publications, other media of in- 
formation, including the radio and television. There were about 
a hundred of them, college freshmen, not overburdened with 
knowledge of the world, and not social science majors. They 
were innocent of special knowledge of India, except where 
class discussions had tackled some of her current problems. 
There was also another group, some forty persons, who were 
upperclassmen and social science majors. 

Not all the lower classmen could correctly identify Krishna 
Menon, and he was totally unknown to some 45 per cent. 
This inquiry about him was made shortly after his spectacular 
re-election to the North Bombay seat in the Lok Sabha early 
in 1962. 

The answers of the students were given mainly in short, 
crisp words. The most common expressions they used were 
"arrogant" and "leftist." 

Some of the students elaborated: 

He has leftist leanings and is considered pro-Communist by 
many. Some say that he is anti-white and anti-United States. For 
this reason he is hated by many in the West. 

My opinion [commented another student] is based only on 
newspaper reports. With all this talk about his Communist lean- 
ings, I would say that he is rather a shady character to be in 
charge of the defense of a country like India. 

And these further observations: 

Problem: Menon is pro-Communist and he is second in com- 
mand in India. Question: When Nehru goes and Menon takes 
over, will India go Communist? 

He leans toward communism . . . He is disliked in this country 
for his sympathy toward communism . . . He is a very con- 
troversial figure . . . From what I have read and heard about 


him I can say that I don't exactly like his principles, but I have 
to admit that he is doing as much as he can for India. 

And these further observations of many freshmen: 

I believe that Menon is an able man, having his nation's wel- 
fare on his mind but that he is approaching his duties the wrong 
way . . . Mr. Menon appears to be a very cynical man. He has 
made a very bad impression on me, as he appears to be more to 
the left and unwilling to cooperate with the United States . . . 
My only visual contact on the TV gave me the impression that 
he is a very explosive man who resents being put in a bad light 
by reporters ... He is not the best man in such a position [min- 
ister of defense] in his country . . . He is said to be a good 
buddy of Nehru but I do feel that their policies differ too 
greatly to believe that they are really close associates ... In 
my opinion, Mr. Menon is the farthest left force in India . . . 
While Mr. Nehru sides more with the West, I believe that he is 
being influenced by Mr. Menon ... In dealing with this man, 
the United States should be very careful, since he has been very 
critical of us and our diplomacy, as far as India is concerned . . . 
From every source I read and from every fact I learned I de- 
cided that Menon is the cloud hovering over India. It is he who 
prevents India being a strictly neutral power, for his allegiance 
seems to be more with the Soviet Union than with the United 

A single dissenter wrote: 

I personally believe that Mr. Menon is not as terrible or as 
leftist as the newspapers seem to imply. His animosity toward 
the American press may or may not be completely justified but 
there is no excuse for the papers to distort this man's actions so 
it seems he is wholly leftist. The mere fact that Nehru supports 
Mr. Menon is evidence enough for me to have a favorable im- 
pression and respect for the beliefs of this man. 

Greater sophistication was manifested in the opinions of 
some of the upperclassmen. Here are a few samples: 


He is arrogant, intelligent, aggressive, self-centered, egotisti- 
cal, an opportunist . . . and I don't trust him. 

In my opinion he represents the aggressive and authoritarian 
voice in Indian affairs today. But he is a strong power. I think 
that he likes to think that he is following in Gandhi's path. Yet, 
I don't think that he represents the majority of the people of 

To me he is arrogant, crude, also polite, graceful, and at the 
same time stupid, dogmatic and weak-willed. In other words, 
he changes his colors like a chameleon. He is all things to all 
men, basically unfriendly to the West and neutral to the Com- 
munists. He seeks the greater glory of Krishna Menon at the 
expense of India. He is too smart and self-assured. He is belicose 
and an appeaser, depending upon the circumstances. 

And another student, gazing into the future: 

I feel that he will never become the leader of India, since his 
arrogant ways have alienated the people. 

It all adds up to this: molto antipdtico. 

. . . And the Press 

Public media of all sorts in the U.S. are almost unanimous 
in their dislike of Menon. He seems to have provided the 
model for the characterization of a villainous Oriental in a 
recent best-selling novel on political life in Washington. 
When writing about him, American newspapers tend to lose 
their manners, if not their objectivity. The Time-Life-For- 
tune combine, particularly, does not seem to be able to utter 
his name without hissing. The general tone of the press is 
indicated in the headlines of a few representative articles in 
leading periodicals. "Mouthpiece Extraordinary, Trouble- 
maker Plenipotentiary" was the tide of a detailed editorial 


in Life. "Krishna Menon: The Wasp of New Delhi" was 
the title of an article in the Saturday Evening Post. Time has 
headlined its articles with "Writhing Words," "Nyet," "Great 
I Am" and others. "Menon Kicked Upstairs" and "Menon 
Riding High" were headlines in the New Republic. The Re- 
porter remarked that Krishna Menon's "unique gift of being 
unpleasant to the largest possible number of people is uni- 
versally known." The same periodical commented that Me- 
non has become increasingly unpopular in India and is widely 
believed to be a fellow traveler. 
Other American press comments: 

He has an unfortunate personality ... He is evasive ... He 
is rude ... He meddles. . . . 

And the constantly recurring leitmotif: 
He is complex ... He is mysterious. . . . 

The Press of India 

With few exceptions, the press of India itself dislikes 
Krishna Menon. "Mr. Menon must go," said an article in 
The Hindustan Times, which is pro-Congress and therefore 
is supposed to follow the Nehru line. "Whether or not Menon 
is a Communist," wrote this important New Delhi daily, "his 
actions have constantly benefited the Communists, so that 
India's defenses cannot be trusted to such a man when the 
enemy is China." 

A leading columnist of India, A. G. Gorwala, has made 
much the same comments in the Times of India. Indeed, he 
has gone one step further, by saying flatly that Krishna Me- 
non is a Communist. 

An Indian political leader told New York Times corre- 


spondent A. M. Rosenthal: "He is a disaster, I tell you, that 
man. Why does Panditji keep him? What does he see in that 

The same correspondent noted: "It is becoming almost 
impossible to have a dinner table conversation in New Delhi 
that does not get around to V. K. Krishna Menon. And more 
often than not it ends on the same note of resignation: 'What 
does Nehru see in that Man?' " 

A prominent Indian editor introduced another note into 
the discussion by saying that although Krishna Menon was 
bright enough, he had a warped personality and should there- 
fore be taken out of the diplomatic post. 

Yet the same Krishna Menon occasionally becomes a na- 
tional hero in India, when he stands up to Pakistan, the United 
States and other countries in the United Nations on the Kash- 
mir issue. He gets high praise on such occasions, even from 
some of the most cantankerous representatives of the press. 

. . . And the British 

At the time of the Suez crisis Krishna Menon was described 
in the popular, large-circulation British press as the stooge of 
Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser. Most of the British newspapers 
did not like Krishna Menon's "anti-imperialist" crusade in 
the Congo, which he carried on not only on United Nations 
platforms but also on television screens. Few of England's 
pressmen were throwing bouquets at the delegate of India 
for his work on the Kashmk issue. 

Yet despite these strictures, Krishna Menon has not been 
depicted as "all black" in the British press. Representative of 
this shaded attitude are the comments of that famous British 
institution, The Economist. While castigating Krishna Menon 


for his "filibustering tactics" on the Kashmir issue, it has 
praised him for his "efficient handling of the defense portfolio 
of India." In an intriguing juxtaposition of Krishna Menon 
and foreign-policy-conscious Americans, this weekly com- 
mented in its January 24, 1959, issue: 

In their wistful moments, many Americans still yearn to play 
the part of a super-Sweden or Switzerland, patching up other 
peoples' quarrels . . . rather than acting as a major interested 
party themselves. Some of that yearning is seen in the vestigial 
presence of the anti-colonial theme, while the painfulness of 
repressing this theme is betrayed by the violent reaction of the 
self-righteous Mr. Krishna Menon. 

"The Revolt of the Classes" 

The Krishna Menon "enigma" is the composite of numer- 
ous ingredients. The environment in which he grew up is 
one of these. Extremes collide head-on in Kerala the most 
dynamic and the most static forces of India. The Malabar 
Coast has been open to the irradiation of Western dynamism 
longer than any other part of the subcontinent. This dyna- 
mism, while not a revolutionary influence in the political sense, 
has forced constant comparisons on the attentions of inquisi- 
tive young men such as Krishna Menon compelling them 
to weigh the respective values of East and West. On the 
other hand, the obscurities of the primeval forests back of 
the coast have presented the challenge of a stagnant civiliza- 
tion. Hemmed in by these opposing forces, the creative minor- 
ity of young people have developed a questioning stance, 
which has manifested itself in the contagious discontent of 
those who have had the capacity to see and to compare. Many 
of them have left the Malabar Coast in an attempt to find the 
answers in South Africa, Singapore or Burma. Today, the 


Indian Communists have their strongest Indian bulwark in 

The "enigma" of Krishna Menon is also that of many 
newly awakened people. The "revolt of the classes" erupted 
all over India in the twentieth century the revolt of the intel- 
lectual classes. It was a revolt against colonialism, which was 
the causative agent of frustration and humiliation. Set against 
this was the search of the "angry young men" for the evi- 
dences of India's greatness for her towering literary achieve- 
ments, works of art and philosophy of life, which promised 
to restore the balance missing in modern Indian life, the 
balance between spiritual and material values. 

When he was young, Krishna Menon habitually underem- 
phasized Britain's contribution to India's survival. He did 
not wish to admit that Britain had been able to establish her- 
self on the subcontinent because of the jungle-like growth 
of intrigues and feuds. Yet the Pax Britannica. had been a 
drastic remedy that probably kept the patient, the subconti- 
nent, from bleeding to death. 

Eventually, Krishna Menon slipped out of Britain's India 
and found sanctuaries, first at Adyar, where he came across 
a Britain that extolled India, and then in Camden Town. He 
came to the conclusion that the British had been perverting 
their democratic and humane philosophy to ends that were 
in direct contradiction to their own interests. 

With the constant broadening of his horizon, he came to 
believe that not only India but also Britain could gain greatly 
by abandoning the master-lackey relationship. This insight 
gave his life a new, almost obsessive, direction. 

In spite of rule by one of the most advanced western coun- 
tries, India found herself, in the twentieth century, in the 
least advanced stages of economic development. She was 


floundering in a morass of secular stagnation, her habits im- 
peded by traditions which the British neglected to change on 
the ground that they did not wish to interfere with the mores 
of their charges. 

As Krishna Menon looked around he saw that other back- 
ward nations were moving upward. There was, for instance, 
the former Ottoman Empire, now called Turkey, in which 
life was no longer mortgaged to the interests and jealousies 
of greedy powers. Turkey was entering what Professor Walt 
Rostow has called the transitional phasethe second in the 
developmental sequence under the leadership of that re- 
markable statesman, Mustafa Kemal, whom his countrymen 
called Ataturk Father of the Turks. Turkey was erecting 
an industrial infrastructure, which was helping to turn the 
country from being a house of death to being a house of life. 

As Krishna Menon's eyes swept beyond Turkey, he found 
an even more fascinating example of a country in the third 
stage of development, the economic take-off. This was the 
Soviet Union, whose own version of "Operation Bootstrap" 
was to lift it to the level of the industrially advanced coun- 
tries. Krishna Menon was not then aware of the price the 
Russians had to pay for this advance, and he may not be 
aware of it now. 

The fourth stage of development is the "drive to maturity," 
and the final phase of it is that of "high mass consumption." 
Yet India had not been allowed to take even the second step. 
She, the cradle of one of the world's great civilizations, the 
erstwhile "gleam in the eye" of greedy western man, had 
been left far behind. 

As Krishna Menon saw it, the enemy, the solely responsible 
political "devil," was imperialism. Krishna Menon hated it 
with a passion which bordered on the pathological, while, at 


the same time, he was making new and disconcerting dis- 
coveries about British "imperialists at home." They were 
not the unbending martinets he had seen on the Malabar 
Coast. He found it possible to talk to them, and, sometimes, 
they would even listen. He could convince some of them 
that their own best interests lay in a prosperous and self- 
assured India, generating her own motive force, powered by 
indigenous enthusiasm, ascending the steps of economic de- 
velopment into the stage of economic take-off and beyond. 
Simultaneously, he discovered his own niche in the scheme 
of things, a gap he could fill, so that he could cease to be a 
human cipher: his role of guru to those people who were 
willing to listen. 

And Then the Miracle 

Through The India League and through every other avail- 
able means, Krishna Menon pursued the goal of Indian inde- 
pendence with single-minded fanaticism. During the whole 
twenty-four years of his sojourn in Englandyears of crucial 
importance in his intellectual and psychological development 
his fixed obsession was the extirpation of colonial rule in 
India. Every other political cause or phenomenon, even the 
cataclysm of World War II, seems to have taken second place 
in his thinking. If he flirted with the Labour Monthly Com- 
munists, it was to use them for his purpose. And if, by the 
same token, they also used him for their political objectives, 
he probably did not care, because their objectives were of 
only peripheral interest to him. Indian independence was 
the all-consuming end, and nearly any effective means to it 
would have been acceptable to him. 

What must have been the effect on him when India was 


at last granted independence? Triumphant gratification, 
surely. But also, perhaps, a sense of loss, a sudden disorienta- 
tion. The intellectual and emotional pivot of his existence 
had been removed. Now he would have to apply the habits 
and attitudes of a lifetime to a wholly new context, one to 
which the old patterns of thought and feeling might not be 
entirely relevant. 

Britain's post- World War II reappraisal of her place in the 
scheme of things appeared to him a masterpiece of statesman- 
ship. And, indeed, has the world ever seen anything like it? 
She had emerged victoriously from a war which would have 
ended in disaster without her tenacity. Seemingly enshrouded 
by glory, she was ready now to liquidate her global empire. 
This was an unprecedented performance, and a very shrewd 
one, too. For by doing this, Britain salvaged the substance of 
empire enlarged investment opportunities, increased trade 
and the ability to help construct a broader market for British 
goods. Also, she earned the respect of her former subjects. 
This was one of the main reasons why the erstwhile questioner 
and antagonist, the Indian Saul, now became a friend and 
protagonist, the Indian Paul. 

But this revised attitude toward Britain was only one facet 
of Krishna Menon's transition to the realities of the new sit- 
uation. The preoccupation with his life-long bete noire, im- 
perialism, could not be so easily diverted. His record as a 
diplomat and statesman shows this all too clearly. The con- 
stant leitmotif of his diplomacy is the assault on what he 
deems to be renascent or anachronistic colonialism. His first 
prescription for any Asian, African or Middle Eastern crisis 
is to get the white "imperialists" out of the picture, then to 
deal with the specific problem at hand. 

There are certain corollaries to this attitude which Western 


statesmen find particularly disturbing. Krishna Menon tends 
to define imperialism in historically classic terms. Ideally, it 
means to him interference by the traditionally imperialist 
western powers in African and Asian affairs. This mental 
picture seems to become somewhat blurred when a western 
power such as the Soviet Union, not traditionally associated 
with imperialism, is involved. And it becomes even more 
blurred when aggressions and oppressions occur in an exclu- 
sively Asian or exclusively Western context. The fate of 
Tibet and Hungary or the Indian-Chinese border problem 
appear not to have qualified as examples of imperialism in 
Krishna Menon's scheme of things, and his responses to these 
issues have been feeble and indecisive. The Suez crisis, on the 
other hand, excited him vastly. Despite the fact that the 
specific casus belli might have arisen between any sovereign 
states anywhere, it was the armed presence of Britain and 
France once again in the Middle East that seems to have set 
Krishna Menon's emotions churning. 

And then there is the problem of Krishna Menon's patent 
animosity toward the United States. 

Why America, a nation without any colonies? Because 
Krishna Menon does not like the avatar of the "western club." 
To Krishna Menon, America's role looks like the old story 
of the white man, holding on to his "burden" for dear life, 
leading the little brown brothers to safety which in practice 
means his own security. Even without colonies, America's 
actions remind many Indians of the ways of the British in 
their prime. Today American bases encircle the globe, Amer- 
ican fighting ships scour all the seas, and Americans dominate 
the skies. The British installations were never as widespread. 
Britain had bases only in some of her overseas possessions, and 
her navy was only a fire brigade, to be called out in emer- 


gencies. In this age of vast uncertainties, the Indians say, de- 
fense and off ense overlap, and what appears to be protection 
to one nation seems to be provocation to the other. India's 
past experience with the British at their colonial "best" makes 
India particularly sensitive to the solicitude of the "western 

These are some of the ostensible reasons for India's criti- 
cisms of America's policies. They may have some bearing on 
the attitudes of men like Krishna Menon. But there are certain 
phases of international life which cannot be articulated. Amer- 
ican foreign policy is also unpopular in New Delhi for another 
reason, which can never be fully stated in public. That reason 
is Pakistan. 

At the time the question of independence for India became 
an urgent matter, a few years after World War II, articulate 
Indians could not admit that the bisection of the subcontinent 
into two independent nations was justified. India had been 
an economic unit under the British for several generations, 
its productive forces and markets interlinked. Why should 
there be a vivisection, which might be fatal to both parts? 
Because the proponents of an independent Pakistan con- 
tendedIndia and Pakistan followed two basically different 
religions. To this contention the Indians replied that nation- 
alism and religion belonged in two different categories. There- 
upon the proponents of Pakistan rebutted that in the context 
of the life of the subcontinent, the religions were closely 
linked to traditions, historical memories and basically differ- 
ent ways of life. 

The discussion had to end at that point. This controversy 
could have gone on forever, and then there might have been 
another government in Britain, and independence might 
have been postponed again. But what Krishna Menon and 


other Indian leaders cannot say is that they do not believe 
that Pakistan has a raison d'etre. 

And now we come back again to the role of the United 
States, and a very strong reason why Krishna Menon more 
outspoken than most other Indian leaders manifests so much 
animosity toward it. 

The United States has been underwriting the existence of 
what many Indians think is a totally unnatural unit. America 
is ready to help anybody who signs up for a possible crusade 
against the Soviet Union. Pakistan has signed up in two 
American-sponsored mutual-assistance organizations: CEN- 
TO, the Central Treaty Organization, and SEATO, the 
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. Indians say Pakistan is 
worried about India, not the Soviet Union. Kashmir is only 
a side-issue in Indian-Pakistani relations. Through Pakistan, 
the white man is back again on the Indian subcontinent. This 
time it is Uncle Sam who carries the white man's burden. 
American and West European diplomats no longer take 
Krishna Menon's anti- American outbursts as seriously as they 
once did. But there can be no doubt that his derogations have 
had their effect both on American and on Afro-Asian attitudes 
towards India. His public statements have helped to undermine 
many Americans' faith in the benevolence of the Government 
of India itself, and Krishna Menon has been liberally quoted 
by American opponents of economic aid for India. By the 
same token, many Afro-Asians have come to feel that Krishna 
Menon's biases are incompatible with genuine neutralism and, 
as a result, India's prestige in these areas also has suffered 
somewhat in recent years. It is the awareness of this decline 
in prestige which, more than anything else, has infuriated 
Krishna Menon's critics in India. 


A Psychological Factor 

When the British were at the helm they did what they 
thought was best, first for themselves and then for their 
colonial charges. Their role was unpopular. They knew it, 
and they never expected to be liked. They also knew that it 
ran counter to countries' basic natures to like stronger pow- 
ers. Since nations are sovereign, they consider themselves 
above the law. Their will may be enforced with arms, and 
up to the point at which they are defeated, they are godlike. 
Smaller nations know that their own sovereignty is limited 
by the superior power of superpowers, and this they resent. 

The United States is not yet fully adjusted to its dominant 
position in the free world. Americans like to be liked abroad. 
Yet no nation in America's dominant position has ever been 
wholeheartedly liked. Americans talk of ingratitude, and feel 
off ended. 

One of Krishna Menon's prominent personal traits is to say 
"nay" when others say "aye." Also, he does not like to offer 
his tribute to a strength with which he cannot cope. If Amer- 
icans want to be liked, that is an additional reason why he 
should like them less. The British lion has become tame, and 
it is no longer much fun to twist its tail. But it is fun to pluck 
the tail-feathers of the eagle. 

The malicious pleasure he derives from tormenting the 
Americans provides a partial explanation of his "soft" attitude 
toward the Soviet Union. As many uncommitted nations have 
long since discovered, no better stick for beating America 
exists than a policy of apparent amiability toward the Soviets. 
It is a beating which can be administered for fun, and, quite 
often, for profit as well. 

But this is, at best, only a partial explanation. Krishna Me- 


non's sympathy for the Soviets is real. In his younger days, 
Communist Russia not only served as an example of how a 
backward agrarian nation could modernize and industrialize 
rapidly without benefit of large amounts of capital, but also 
appeared as an ally in the lonely, all-consuming struggle 
against imperialism. Perhaps now, unconsciously, Krishna 
Menon is repaying his debt to the Communists, has permitted 
himself to become, to some extent, their ally a process made 
easier by persuading himself that the archenemy of the Soviet 
Union is, in fact, an imperialist nation. 

Finally, of course, there is in Krishna Menon that curiously 
paradoxical tendency, his pro-British snobbery. One can im- 
agine that his ambivalent attitude toward Britain has always 
produced a certain amount of frustration in him. Britain's 
decline as a world power to which his own contribution was, 
from one point of view, not insignificant seems to have sad- 
dened him. Perhaps he finds a kind of release now in venting 
his anti-imperialist hostilities on Britain's successor. He shows 
a marked tendency to compare Britain and the United States 
in a spirit of "O! what a falling off was there." Does this, 
one wonders, serve the double function of permitting him 
the luxury of repaying his debt to England while assuaging 
his guilt feelings toward her? 

Watchman, What of the Night? 

Krishna Menon is in his mid-sixties, and ours seems to be 
the "Age of Age" elderly men in key positions. Nehru is an 
aged man, and for several years the question has been asked, 
"After him, who?" Panditji's answer to this question has al- 
ways been, "It is not I but India who will select my successor. 
India is a democracy, you know." 


This is true, but only partially so. Nehru is recognized as 
a charismatic leader of India, and if he had groomed a suc- 
cessor, the chances are that the new man would have been 
accepted. He has not groomed anyone, because he did not 
want to train a potential competitor, nor did he want to share 
the limelight with anyone else. A statesman of towering 
stature, he is also a politician. The creator of his own "Estab- 
lishment," nobody has been allowed to approach his exalted 
place. This was probably the right strategy from the point 
of view of his nation. India's problems of nation-building 
would have been far greater if there had been political squab- 

After the 1962 national elections, The New York Times' 
A. M. Rosenthal reported from New Delhi that there were two 
opposite poles in the Indian cabinet: "One is Defense Minister 
V. K. Krishna Menon, closer to the Prime Minister than any 
other official in India, admired by the left, and feared by the 
center and the right. The other is Finance Minister Morarji 
R. Desai, an aesthetic conservative whose influence among 
the backroom politicians is still considerable but whose stand- 
ing with Mr. Nehru has been slipping dramatically." 

Backing Krishna Menon is Transport Minister Jagjivan 
Ram, senior minister in Mr. Nehru's cabinet. While not well 
known outside India, Mr. Ram has a reputation for political 
in-fighting, and also for his prestige as the only harijanduld 
of God (formerly called, "untouchable") to serve in the 
cabinet. "It all depends on Nehru, and you never know with 
the Old Man," experienced politicians say. 

Assuming that Krishna Menon were to succeed Nehru, 
what could be expected of him? We can only speculate on 
what he might or might not do. We have to proceed from 
the premise that he would not be where he is if he were 


not a skillful politician. In spite of his crude talk, he knows 
very well what he is doing. Obviously, he would have to 
consider the interests of India, for his own personal interests 
are involved with hers. His personal ideology might not 
necessarily occupy a dominant place in his management of 
the national policy, unless it were to coincide with his in- 
terpretation of the national interest. We have had excellent 
illustrations of the precedence of national interests over per- 
sonal ideologies in recent years. Recall the record of Yugo- 
slavia's Marshal Tito. Even the most dedicated Communists 
have not hesitated to throw theories overboard in favor of 
the exigencies of their political position. 

But a political leader's policies are not merely the product 
of an interaction between necessity and ideology. They are 
conditioned also by attitudes acquired slowly and often un- 
consciously during a lifetime. And this is precisely what 
troubles many western statesmen when they are confronted 
with the policies of the leaders of some of the former colonial 
areas. Many of the sensitive intellectuals of decades ago, the 
liberal minds that were open to spiritual and intellectual in- 
fluences, people who prided themselves on being revolution- 
aries and progressives, now appear curiously frozen and 
inflexible. The impressions which formed their characters 
were so overwhelming that they seem unable to digest new 
developments. Instead, they respond to fundamentally new 
situations either by ignoring them or by treating them as 
though they were repetitions of events which occurred in the 

Krishna Menon's critics identify him with this mentality. 
It would, they argue, be a disaster if such a man were to be 
given the responsibility of leading the most important nation 
in the uncommitted world. It would be a disaster, not because 


Krishna Menon is a crypto-Communist, nor even because of 
his abrasive personality (the first is almost certainly untrue, 
and the second is irrelevant), but because his automatic re- 
sponses to certain types of situations his judgments, if you 
will are dangerously inappropriate and unrealistic. 

A New Policy -for Asia? 

Asia and parts of other continents revolted against the West 
and then set out to imitate it in armaments, policies of pres- 
tige and overgrown bureaucracies. Europe is thus still in the 
underdeveloped parts of the globe. India, too, has copied 
many features of the West. Geographically, she is in Asia, 
ideologically, in Europe. Nehru's successor may wish to in- 
troduce a policy more in line with the needs of economically 
backward countries. 

The question of armaments is a classic illustration of how 
the West is back again in the East. Large portions of the 
economically backward countries are spending proportion- 
ately just as much on armaments as the affluent powers. This 
makes no sense, because their non-nuclear arms in the nuclear 
age are like bows and arrows in the firearms age. They are 
impotent to act against a great power. What purpose does 
their armament serve? It serves the purpose of squaring ac- 
counts with their neighbors, who are also provided only with 
non-nuclear weapons. The medicine in this case is more 
harmful than the disease. War is only a possibility, but hunger 
is a certainty. The amounts these countries spend on their 
armaments weaken them. They decimate themselves, a type 
of perverse semi-suicide. 

For years now the superpowers seem to have been en- 
gaged in trying to find a common platform for a disarmament 


agreement. They have not succeeded, and so they have kept 
on stepping up their arms expenditures. Nor are they likely 
to succeed within the foreseeable future. The disarmament 
discussions are face-saving, and in some instances, propaganda 
devices, and the people who are engaged in them know it. 
The superpowers do not trust each other. 

It is at this point that the new statesmanship of the eco- 
nomically backward countries, India at their head, could part 
ways with the methods of the affluent nations, which they 
seek to imitate. The hungry countries cannot afford this 
extravaganza of armament profligacy. Why not try to show 
some sense, by stepping out of their roles as imitators? Instead 
of protecting something they have not got a decent living 
standard their savings in armament expenditures would en- 
able them to help their peoples have a life worth having. 
Disarmament agreements among these "have-not" countries 
would make much sense. Also, such agreements would help 
revive the moribund United Nations. The world organization 
would be the guarantor of their security. 

Might Krishna Menon attempt to advance such a bold 
program? He had the reputation of being a pacifist in one of 
his previous "reincarnations." Or was his pacifism a theoretical 
one, "safe" because he was far removed from the seat of 
the mighty? Academe and the War Office speak mutually 
unintelligible tongues. 

The economically backward countries may wish to part 
ways with their former masters in another way, too. Let me 
explain what I have in mind by means of a personal experi- 

The scene was the federal legislature of India in New 
Delhi, the Lok Sabha House of the People and the Rajya 
SabhaHoust of the States. The time was the hot monsoon 


period. The debate was about the external budget of India. 
Day after day the deputies rose to speak on the subject, ac- 
cording to the best parliamentary methods of Britain. It was 
an inspiring scene. 

Several of the speakers covered the entire world, expressing 
their opinions on a large variety of subjects tours <F horizons 
that covered the entire waterfront. Some of them favored 
the West; most of them followed the non-alignment policy 
of India. And this went on and on and on. Day after day I 
went into the popular sections of Delhi after these parliament- 
ary sessions, and I could not help feeling that what the depu- 
ties were doing in the Indian legislature was a luxury the 
country could not afford. I also had the feeling that poor 
countries should keep on working on the solution to their 
problem of poverty. Every single minute not devoted to 
this problem is wasted. The legislators should concentrate 
on the country's poverty, and construct a large stockpile of 
practical plans to do away with this poverty. In this light I 
no longer think that slavishly following Britain's administra- 
tive practices is always in the best interest of the nation. 
India's problems are different from those of the United King- 

A government needs bureaucracy, and that the British had. 
Some of the British bureaucrats were decent people; others 
were time-servers. This tradition has also been inherited by 
India. "Our bureaucracy is not worse than the British one 
was before independence." How many times does one hear 
this comment? Again the imitation of the West. The back- 
ward countries should realize that time is not on their side, as 
it was on the side of the colonial nations. Indifferent bureauc- 
racy will not do for them. They must have the type of ad- 
ministration which is inspired by a quasi-religious zeal, one 


that goes far beyond the call of duty. It should do speedily 
and efficiently what is now being done sluggishly and in- 

The new bureaucrat would see something more to life than 
transferring files to a fellow bureaucrat's desk. Work in a 
government office would then become a dedicated occupa- 
tion, and efficiency a patriotic service, no less valuable than 
service in the batdeline. The greatest enemy of all these 
countries is want, and want's most effective ally is apathy. 

Could Krishna Menon perform such a service for his coun- 
try? His record as an administrator has received both praise 
and blame, but in his London days he displayed a talent and 
a zeal for getting things done which can hardly be gainsaid. 
Perhaps if he were to become sufficiently interested in the 
problem of administrative reform in India, he might accom- 
plish great things. 

No matter who is called upon to fill the highest position in 
India, he must be able to arouse the country to the needs of 
a new age in the local environment, carrying out an original 
policy and not one that is second-hand. Nehru became a 
charismatic leader, to be sure, but there is no situation in 
a poverty-stricken country which may not be improved. 

Thus this story of the life of Krishna Menon ends with a 
question mark, as do the stories of all contemporary lives. 
Nehru's exit from the political scene may not mean Krishna 
Menon's exit from the "Establishment," as has been predicted 
many times. But even if it does, he has already made his mark 
upon his country's history, and upon the history of the mod- 
ern world. Men in the capitals of the East and the West will 
ponder the significance of that enigmatic mark for a long time 
to come. 


All subentries are alphabetical except for those under Krishna Menon, 
which are chronological. 

Adyar (Madras), 38, 39, *33 

Ahimsa, 54 

Ahmadnagar, 29, 130 

Alexander VI, Pope, 29 

Algerian question, 172^. 

Allahabad, 93 

Allenby, Edmund, ist Viscount, 194 

Anamalai Hills, 2 

Angell, Sir Norman, 92 

Apartheid, 170, 171 

As I See India, 176 

Asoka the Great, King of Magadha, 


Aswan High Dam, 155^. 
Atdee, Sir Clement (later Lord At- 

dee),5ifL, 128^132 
Ayurvedic, 20 
Azad, Maulana Abul Kalam, 129 

Baden-PoweU, Baron R.S.S., 44 
Balaam, 78 
Bakk, 78 

Bandung Conference, 151 
Bao Dai, 148 
Barbusse, Henri, 116 
Battle of Britain, nzfL 
Belgian Congo, war in, i6j&. 

Bell, Clive, 92 

Benares, 19 

Bennett, Arnold, 92 

Besant, Annie, 38^., 44, 47 8l 

Bevin, Ernest, 52, 128 

Bhagavad-Gita, 5, 38 

Bhutan, i84ff. 

Bijapur, 29 . 

Birkenhead, Frederick Edwin Smith, 


Bismarck, Prince Otto Eduard Leo- 
pold von, 143 

Black Jews, 12 

Blavatsky, Elena Petrovna, 366. 

Bombay, 23, 206, 209^. 

Bonnerjee, W. C., 25 

Bose, Subhas Chandra, 114 

Bradlaugh, Charles, 39 

Brailsford, Henry Noel, 53 

Brennen College, 23 

Britain, economic stakes in India, 137, 

Britain's Prisoner, 86 

Bulganin, Nikolai A., 161 

Burma, 22 

Calcutta, 23 



Calicut, see Kozhikode 

Camden Square, 60 

Camden Town, 59^., 108, 136 

Cape Comorin, i 

Cardamom Hills, 2 

Cavendish Bentinck, Lord William, 


Central Hindu College, 41 
Chiang Kai-shek, 119 
China and India, 184^. 
Chou En-lai, 149 
Christians of St. Thomas, see Syrian 

Churchill, Sir Winston, 114, 1195., 


Colombo Plan, 150, 151 
Columbus, Christopher, i, 3 
Communal problem in India, 1291!. 
Condition of India, 88ff. 
Congress, The, see Indian National 

Congress Party, see Indian National 

Constantinople Convention of 1888, 

154, 157 

Coromandel Coast, 23 
Cripps, Sir Stafford, 53, 81, ii9fT., 128 
Crusade in Europe, 115 
Curzon, George Nathaniel, ist Baron 

and ist Marquis, 23 
Cypriote problem, 17 iff. 

Daily Worker, in, 115 
Daridnarayan, 56 
Daval, Najeshwar, 168 
Del Vajo, Alvarez, 102 
Desai, Morarji R., 242 
Dienbienphu, 149 
Disraeli, Benjamin, 143 
Dogras, 176 

Donovan, W. Timothy, 109 
Dravidian languages, 8 
Dulles, John Foster, 149 
Dundee, in 

East India Company, 29, 30, 65 
Economist, The, 231, 232 
Eden, Sir Anthony, i49ff., 

Edward VII, 33 


Eisenhower, DwightD., 115, 153 
"Emanuel the Fortunate" (Manuel 

I), 29 

Engels, Friedrich, 33, 72 
Enosis, 172 
Envoy ', 145, 224 
Ethiopia, 115 

Fabian Society, 62 

Fabre, Jean-Henri, 92 

Farewell to Arms, A, 90 

Fedayeen, 159 

Fortune, 229 

Foster, William Z., 116 

France, possessions in India, 201, 202 

Franco, Francisco, 100 

Fry, Roger Eliot, 92 

Gama, Vasco da, 12, 22, 201 
Gandhi, Mohandas K., 39ff., 54, 65*^, 

68ff., 76, 93, ii4ff., 140, 141, 204, 

205, 207 

Ganga (Ganges) River, 19 
"General Lister," 102 
George V., King, 34 
Goa, 193, 20iff. 
Golconda, 29 
Gorwala, A. G., cited, 230 
"Governor and Company of the 

Merchants of London Trading 

into the East Indies," 29, 30, 65 

Haidar Ali, 30 


Hammarskjold, Dag, 153 

Harijans, rf, 242 

Hari Singh, Maharajah, 1756% 

"Harold Laski Institute of Political 

Science," 52, 53 
Harris, H. Lyn, 75 
Hartal, 66 

Hastings, Warren, 67 
Hegel, G. W. F., 486% 100 
Hemingway, Ernest, 90 
Henderson, Arthur, 105, 106 
Hindi language, 8 
Hindustan Times, The, 213, 215, 230 
Hitler, Adolf, 101, 112, 113, 117 
Holmes, Oliver Wendell, Jr., 43, 66ff. 
Hopkins, Harry, 120, 217 


Horrabin, F. J., 85 
Howard, Ebenezer, 74 
Howe, Quincy, 76 
Hume, Allan Octavian, 25 
Hungarian uprising (1956), idofT. 
Hutchinson, Henry Hunt, 63 
Huxley, Julian, 92 

Ibarruri, Dolores, 102 
India, armed forces of, 1951!. 
India League, The, 54, 66, 8ofL, 851!. 
Indian Civil Service, 46, 117 
Indian National Congress, 40, 81, 84, 

ii4ff., 205 

Indochina, conflict in, 1481!. 
Isaacs, Harold R., 224 
Israel, in Sinai, 159^. 

Jeans, Sir James, 92 
Jews, Black, 12 

White, 12 

Jinnah, Mohammed Ali, 125 
Jihad (holy war), 176 

Kola azar, 17 

Kalinin, Mikhail I., 124 

Karnawan, 6 

Kasavubu, Joseph, 168 

Kashmir conflict, 1755. 

Kautsky, Karl, 72 

Kerala, r, 4, 22, 210, 232, 233 

Keyserling, Count Hermann, 42, 43 

Khilafat movement, 88 

Kitchener, Lord Horatio Herbert, 


Komath Krishna Kurup, 7, 18 
Korean War, 146^. 
Kozhikode, 13, 21, 23, 29, 34, 46, 201 
Kripalani, Acharya J. B., 2iifT. 
Krishna, 4, 5 
Krishna Menon, Vengalil Krishnan 

birth, 4 

youth, i7ff. 

theosophist, 38ff. 

in England, 441!. 

in Camden Town, 595. 

London School of Economics, 648. 

The India League, 8 iff. 

editor, 901!. 

and Nehru, 991!., 21 j&. 


in Labour politics, 107, 108 

High Commissioner of India in 
London, 109, 135*1*. 

in World War II, 1171!. 

diplomat, 1426*. 

Korean crisis, 147 

Indochina crisis, 148 

Colombo Plan, 150, 151 

Bandung Conference, 151, 152 

Suez Canal crisis, 1581!. 

Hungarian uprising ( 1 956) , 1 6 1 fT. 

disarmament debates, 1631!. 

apartheid, 1701!. 

Cyprus conflict, i7ifF. 

Algerian conflict, i72fT. 

Kashmir conflict, 1785. 

China boundary dispute, 1846*. 

Minister of Defense, 1901!. 

Goa, 20 iff. 

Bombay election, 2091!. 

personal philosophy, 2191!. 
Krishnamuni, Jiddu, 431!. 
Kodungalur, 26 
Kshattriya, 6 

Labour Monthly, 100, 1151!., 235 
Labour Party, 5off. 
Lakshmi Kutty Amma, 7, 18 
Lane (Allen, John, Richard), 90, 92 
"La Pasionaria" (Dolores Ibarruri), 


Laski, Harold, 43fL, 52, 63, 64, 66fl., 

92, 109, 129 

Lenin, Nikolai, 72, 109 
Letchworth, 74fT. 
Life, 229, 230 
Linklater, Eric, 90 
Locke, John, 32 
London School of Economics and 

Political Science, 52, 631!., 72 
Low, David, 102 
Lumumba, Patrice, 167, 168 

MacDonald, Ramsay, 50, 66 
Madras, 34 

Madras Presidency, 20, 23 
Mahabharata, 5, 19 
Mahasabha, 140 
Malabar, i, 4, 19 
Malayalam language, i, 8, 15 


Malthus, Thomas, 63 
Manuel I ("Emanuel the Fortu- 
nate"), 29 
Marble Arch, 57 
Marley, James, 85 
Marukkatayam, 5 
Marx, Karl, 31, 32, 72 
Mary, Queen, 34 
Matters, Leonard W., 88 
Maurois, Andre, 90 
Mavalankar, Damodar K., 39 
Mendes-France, Pierre, 149 
Middle Temple, 89 
MIG crisis, 1986*. 
Mill, John Stuart, 32, 33, 71 
Mohammed Zafrulla Khan, 1776*. 
Moplahs, ii 

Moraes, Frank, 133, 134, 217 
Morley-Minto Reforms, 33, 34 
Morris, William, 74 
Morrison, Herbert Stanley, 128 
Moslem League, 125, 212 
Mountbatten, Lord Louis, 132 
Mudrans, 10 

Mumba (goddess of fishermen), 210 
Mowrer, Edgar Ansel, 92 
Mustafa Kemal, 234 

Nambudri Brahmans, 9 

Narayan Guru Swami, 9 

Nasser, Colonel Gamal Abdel, 1546*., 

2 3i 

Native High School, 23 
Nayar, 6, 18 
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 39, 44, 86, 87, 93, 

94, 96n\, 1136% 115, 119, 121, 130, 

134, 141, 145, 146, 161, 181, 1846%, 


Nehru, Motilal, 94 
Nepal, i84fF. 
Nkrumah, Kwame, 165 
Nethercot, Arthur H., 38, 39 
Nicolson, Harold, 92 
Norodom, Sihanouk, 165 

Olcott, Henry S., tfS. 
Osmania University, 139 

Pakistan, 125, i75flF., 238, 239 
Panchayats, 3 


Pcmch Shilct, 152, 169 
Pandarams, 10 
Pareto, Vilfredo, 72 
Pargana, 24 
Pax Britannica, 21, 233 
Penguin Books, 90 
Pelican Books, 91 
Piatiletka, 77 
Pollitt, Harry, 1 16 
Portugal, in India, 193 
Prasad, Dr. Rajendra, 190, 207 
Puvar, 26 

Rajagopalachari, Chakravarti, 115, 


Ram, Jagjivan, 242 
Ramayana, 19 
Reading, Rufus Daniel Isaacs, ist 

Marquis of, 76 
Reporter, The, 230 
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 1196% 

124, 125 

Roosevelt and Hopkins, 120 
Rosenthal, A. M., 230, 231, 242 
Rostow, Walt, 234 
Ruskin, John, 65 
Russell, Lord Bertrand, 53, 81, 85, 89 

St. Christopher School, Letchworth, 

St. Pancras Municipal Borough, 59, 

Salazar, Dr. Antonio de Oliveira, 204, 

205, 206 

Sankey, John, ist Viscount, 66fT. 
Satyagraha, 54, 95, 206, 219 
Schopenhauer, Arthur, 36 
Scratches on Our Minds, 2246*. 
Shaw, George Bernard, 63, 91, no 
Sherwood, Robert E., 120 
Sikkim, i84ff. 

Simon, Sir John, 77, 78, 87, 113 
Smith, Walter Bedell, 149 
Sorensen, Reginald, M. P., 87 
Southport Conference, 105, 106 
Soviet Union, see U.S.S.R. 
Spanish Civil War, looff . 
Srinagar, 176 
Srivazhum Kode, 26 
Stalin, Joseph, 119 


Strachey, John, 51 
Stevenson, Adlai, 179, 183, 207 
Sudra, 6 

Suez Canal conflict, 1545., 231 
Swaraj, 77, 81, 85 
Swatantra party, 211 
Syrian Christians, n, 12 

Tagore, Sir Rabindranath, 124 

Tahsil, 24 

Talleyrand, Prince, 142 

Taksim, 172 

Tamil language, 8 

Tellicherry, 13, 15, 20, 23, 30 

Thana, 24 

Theosophical Society, 36ff., 75, 94 

Thwarwad, 6 

Tibet, 186 

Time, 186, 187, 230 

Tipu Sahib, 30 

Travancore, 20, 26 

Travel Diary of a Philosopher, The, 


Trevelyan family, 71, 72 
Trotsky, Leon, 72 
Trumbull, Robert, 176 
Tshombe, Moise, 168 

Ullatans, 10 

United Nations, meeting on Kashmir, 


United States of America, 49ff., 114, 
126, i55ff, 160, 164, 221, 222, 237, 
238, 239 

Upanishads, 38, 54 

Uralis, 10 

U.S.S.R., 56fL, 72, 124, 164, 181, 234, 
237, 240, 241 

Vaisya, 6 

Victoria, Queen, 21 
Vijayanagar, 28 

Wavell, Sir Archibald, 130 
Webb, Beatrice, 53, 63, io7fT. 
Webb, Sidney, 53, 63, 107^. 
Wells, H. G., 63, 92 
Welwyn, 75 

Western Ghats, 2, 3, 15, 30, 203 
White Jews, 12 
Wilkinson, Anne G, 85 
William, Tom, 85 
Williams, W.E., 91 
Whidum, D. C, 108 
Wilson, Woodrow, 49 

Xavier, St. Francis, 203 
Yuvray Karan Singh, 177 

Zamorin College, 23 
Zamindars, 31 

[Contimied from front flap] 

leader of a formerly colonial nation. It 
is upon the integrity, the intelligence and 
the prejudices of men such as Krishna 
Menon that much of the world's future 
may depend. It is vital that we try to 
understand them. 

Here, for the first time, is a full-length 
portrait of this enigmatic man hy a well- 
known writer and scholar. Emil Lengyel, 
Professor of History at Fairleigh Dickin- 
son University, has lived in India and has 
recently written a widely used textbook 
on the Indian subcontinent. 

1O West 56th Street, New York 19, N.Y.